AbstractTrade unions can shape employees' positive perceptions of digital technology introduction, and thus help achieve desirable outcomes. Our understanding of why and how remains limited. This article develops the argument that employees' trust in senior management's digital competency is a central issue, and a power‐sharing trade union can play an important role in mediating that relationship. We propose that workplace trade‐union power enables workers to ‘trust’ the process when they know the union can collectively bargain with senior management. This reduces digitalisation‐induced job insecurity, thereby engendering an engaged workforce to remain in post. This leads to our hypothesis that trade‐union voice has both a stronger direct and indirect effect in reducing employees' intention to exit than direct voice (direct communication with senior leaders). Our sequential mediating model supports the hypotheses on both direct and indirect pathways using 520 valid responses to a staff survey during digitalisation from a major UK public service organisation.

AbstractThis study argues that sectoral bargaining offers a flexible alternative to legal regulation in setting terms and conditions of employment, encourages participation and involvement, brings benefits to employers and improves productivity and performance. It also provides a platform for sector and cross‐sector social dialogue leading to improved policymaking and better macroeconomic outcomes. A statutory framework based on Wages Council‐type arrangements and advisory, conciliation and arbitration service Codes of Practice is recommended for the United Kingdom, with sectors in the ‘foundational economy’ being prioritised. Sector agreements need to be about much more than pay, though, if they are to realise their potential.

AbstractThe past 20 years were convulsive for industrial relations in Ireland: from boom to bust and back again, with the Financial Crisis killing off national bargaining; the Supreme Court first undermining sectoral bargaining, then shifting back in favour of it; and of course, the Covid‐19 pandemic generating an overhaul of working conditions across society. All along, widespread industrial unrest has been notable by its absence. Long‐term decline in Irish trade union density continues, despite recent research showing significant popular support for trade unions, particularly among young workers. Now, the obligation to transpose the Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages has brought Ireland to a crossroads in collective labour law and industrial relations reform. How Ireland has responded to these pressures, internal and external, holds lessons for other jurisdictions, of which this article highlights three: a commitment to pragmatic adaptation over principled coherence makes measuring the success of any reform project difficult; different methods of reform enjoy varying levels of legitimacy; and disjunction between different levels of bargaining generates pressure on the system, including risks to the legitimacy of the system itself and the actors within it—particularly beleaguered trade unions.

AbstractThis article argues that industrial relations (IR) in the German public sector are not just a replica of private sector IR. It suggests that neither the structures, nor the outcomes can be sufficiently explained by derivation from private sector IR processes. Primarily, the specifics and developments of the public sector explain public sector IR. It is of fundamental importance whether trade unions operate in a profit‐driven market environment or a publicly financed environment that is under public control. Differences between the public and the private sector result not least in the distinct relevance and meanings of trade union power resources. This influences the ways in which industrial action in the private and the public sector works and is relevant for trade union strategies.

AbstractA union default would empower unions to extend membership and representation to nonunion employers but still allow workers to opt‐out and, thereby, free‐ride. Though most workers would retain membership, free‐riding could still undermine a default. First, propensity to maintain membership is likely to vary, leaving some sectors with too few members for viable, effective representation. Second, public goods research suggests free‐riding increases over time when already extant. Third, expectations of widespread future free‐riding could discourage workers from recruiting the minimum number of workers necessary to attain the default. We test two solutions—all employees being required to pay union fees or employers paying union fees—to these challenges, examining effects on intention to retain membership and support for a default. We find both have positive impacts upon reducing free‐riding.

AbstractAlthough the scholarly debate on industrial relations (IR) transformation is inclined toward the conclusion that the IR transformation is bound to take place with changes in the surrounding business environment, we observe a few exceptions in each economy. The current study investigates one of such curious IR contexts, that is, the Indian coal sector. We rely on the ‘logic of the action’ framework and the IR transformation measures to assess the sector at an aggregate and micro level. The coal sector in India consists of a mix of both permanent and informal workforce. With respect to the permanent workforce, we analysed the collective bargaining agreements spanned over five decades (1975–2021). For the informal workforce, we analysed the recommendations of the HPC on wages and working conditions, the provisions of relevant legislation, internal circulars of coal companies and important judicial pronouncements. Our analyses revealed vast differences in wages and working conditions between the permanent and informal workforce. Despite a significant decline in the permanent workforce, they could negotiate better terms as the growing size of the informal workforce was yet to form a collective bargaining mechanism for better wages and working conditions. These results are indicative of a paradox which needs to be explored further. Our study advances the thesis of adaptive state capitalism in the coal sector through functional and numerical flexibility despite a politicised multi‐union model in India.

AbstractThe attitude of trade unions towards migration and migrants, be it of asylum seekers or those in search of jobs and better incomes, differs substantially across European countries. No matter the original stance, a common current pattern is that of the willingness to accept migrants being eroded over time. To see whether this is the case also in a country that both proved welcoming to labour migrants and refugees during the opening decades of the new millennium, we set out to explore the attitudes of blue‐collar trade unions in Sweden. Based on a diverse set of material issuing from the unions themselves, we use sentiment analysis to assess whether there are any changes to be discerned in the opinions of the representatives of 12 blue‐collar trade unions and their national confederation. At its most general, the trend appears to turn more negative over time, yet the influence of defining events and legal changes is not so easily observed at the aggregate level. The union representing workers in the industry with the largest proportion of immigrant labour, the Hotel and Restaurant Workers' Union, is therefore selected for closer analysis. To the extent that changes can, or cannot, be observed, we relate those to major events and policy changes that have taken place over the 2010s.

AbstractThis study analyses the dynamics of registered firms after implementing a new law (2009) in the Brazilian labour market. The law proposed the electronic monitoring of working time to provide more efficiency and security by standardizing the equipment used for control and avoiding manipulation. As stricter monitoring may increase costs, this paper seeks to analyse whether there have been changes in the dynamics of firms adapting to the new regulation. There are two potential mechanisms as a reference: increasing wages and decreasing workers (or contracted hours), and increasing labour force and decreasing contracted hours per worker (and therefore the monthly wage). Using Brazilian employee–employer data and the difference‐in‐differences approach as an empirical strategy, our main findings suggest that firms that adapt to the new electronic workday control had a general reduction in the number of hours hired, an increase in wages for companies with 10–50 employees and a decrease in workplace accidents in firms with 50 or more employees.