Zionism and Kaiser Wilhelm

Abstract

FROM the time Theodor Herzl published Der Judenstaat in 1896, the Zionist movement was aware of the fact that its goals could only be achieved by the help of one or more of the imperialist powers. Thus the history of early Zionism that is, the years between 1896 and 1917is stamped by unremitting efforts to secure imperialist favour. Under these circumstances, differences amongst the imperialist powers were inevitably reflected in the internal discussions of the Zionist movement and in Zionist contacts with existing nations. Thus, the rivalry between Britain and Germany that was growing increasingly sharp before 1914, was mirrored in the altercations between proBritish and pro-German factions within the Zionist movement. Theodor Herzl approached the Ottoman Sultan for support as he did von Plehve, the Russian Interior Minister, who was notorious for his anti-Semitic policy. He also strove with particular vigour to gain the favour of German imperialism. But as his efforts remained unsuccessful, he turned to Great Britain in 1900, thereby creating, in a manner of speaking, the pro-British faction that was soon to be led by Chaim Weizmann. The founders of Zionism believed that they were offering the powers whose support they were trying to enlist, an attractive quid pro quo for their claim on Palestine, namnely the support of the evolving Zionist movement. Already in 1896, Herzl was writing frankly in Der Judenstaat: If His Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return undertake to regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We should form there part of a wall of defence for Europe in Asia, an outpost of civilization against barbarism. 1 Herzl was thus unmistakably offering Zionism as an agent for imperial-colonial policy. He made himself even clearer dturing the Second Zionist Congress -held in Basel in 1898 when he declared: Asia is the diplomatic problem of the coming