Abstract

384 SEER, 87, 2, APRIL 200g Memoryis bestunderstood as a socialprocess, nota thing, and memories are journeysthrougha timespacelandscape organizedinto pathwaysor vectors.Paxson is not discussing nostalgiabut ideologiesand mores.The khoziain (host,leader)shouldbe rightand righteous in his leadershipof a household,a forest, or a nation.Whetherhe is a father, a forest spirit, or generalsecretary oftheCPSU, hisactionsare ideallyguidedincertain directionsby basic principals of propersociality, the balance of discipline and freedom thatgenerates healthand vitality forhisplace and people. These narrative landscapesare reproduced in themostbanal descriptions ofdaily movements in Russian,withits wonderful systemof prefixes on motion verbsand otherspatialconstructions: 'Since a subtlelayerof directionality is embeddedin everyverbconstruct, speakingbecomesa stageon which metaphoric landscapesare sketched' (p. 103).Throughout herbook,Paxson providesone oftheclearestexamplesofa correct readingofWhorf s ideas on theconnection betweenfashions ofspeaking and habitualthought I have everread.Patterns ofeveryday actions, commonly sharedvalues,and explicit ideologiesare connectednotmerely to theusage ofwords,butto theconvenientlinesof thinking providedby a language'sgrammatical categories and structures. One does not cause another, but it all fitstogether nicely, mutually reinforcing. In thefinalchapter, 'Calendars',Paxsonpresents a convincing analysis of fouroverlapping calendars: civil/state, OrthodoxChristian, Russianagrarian and work-based pragmatic calendars.The lastone is theworkthatmustbe donetodayand trumps anyoftheothercalendars, butallfourmeshtogether to providea meaningful timescape organizing theannualcycle.The second halfofthechapter provides beautifully detailedethnography ofseveral importantcommemorations , such as summer gulianki thatmarksaints'days and Victory Day on 9 May. These celebrations are successful in their totalincorporation intovillagelifebecauseoftheir importance tosocialmemory, which is to saythattheycutto theheartofsvoi and rod/rodina. A shortafterword takesthe place of a conclusion, wherePaxson uses yetanothernice ethnographic vignette to make largerpointsabout social memory, history, and being human. I do not missa conclusionbecause everything has beensaidand said clearly in a subtleargument, whichavoids essentializing pitfalls, yetis accessibleto a broad generalaudience.While Paxson's book explainsthe memorylandscape of Russian peasants,and by extensionRussian culturemore generally, I recommendit to anyone interested in humanbeingsand wholikesto readgood books. Department ofAnthropology Alexander D. King University ofAberdeen Povolny, Mojmír.^ápas o lidská prava. Radasvobodného Ceskoslovenska a helsinsky procès. Stilus,Brno, 2007. 382 pp. Illustrations. Appendix.Index. Kc 290.00. THE issueofhumanrights in Centraland EasternEuropeduringtheCold War has been thesubjectof a numberofprominent works.However,the REVIEWS 385 involvement of the Czechoslovakdemocraticexile has not been properly addressed priorto theemergence ofMojmirPovolny's bookdealingwiththe CouncilofFree Czechoslovakiaand theHelsinkiAccords.Povolnywas not onlya leadingparticipant in thestruggle forhumanrights behindtheIron Curtain(atone stage,he evenservedas thechairman oftheCouncilofFree Czechoslovakia), butalsoa political scientist specializing inEasternEuropeat LawrenceUniversity in Appleton,Wisconsin.His scholarly meticulousness and hisownpersonalrecollections demonstrate thathe is eminently qualified to addressthetopicat hand. Povolny haschosentowrite thisworkintheform ofa memoir. Thisinno waydetracts from thescholarly valueofthework.On thecontrary, thestyle and quality ofthelanguageusedmakesthebookmoreenjoyabletoreadand givesthereadera senseof theatmosphere in whichparticular eventstook place.The introduction touchesuponthegeneralhistory ofthehumanrights issuein thetwentieth century. The UnitedNationsCharteris mentioned as is theUniversalDeclarationofHuman Rights.In addition, theWestEuropean experiencewithhumanrights is contrasted withthatof Communist Europeand theCzechoslovakCommunists' tendency to signtreaties suchas theHelsinki FinalActwithout adhering totheir terms isemphasized. The first section, whichcontainsfiveindividual chapters, deals withthe motivations and historical backgroundof eventsleadingto Helsinki.Interestingly, the SovietUnionwas concerned, first and foremost, withtheinstitutionalization ofthepost-war status quo inEuropeand,accordingly, launcheda diplomatic offensive in the late 1960s,which later resultedin West European and American agreement to holdan international security conference in Helsinki wherehumanrights were also to be discussed.The ultimate resultof the lengthy diplomatic wrangling was the signing of the HelsinkiFinal Act on 1 August1975which,apartfromotherprovisions, obligatedsignatories to respect humanrights. The secondsectionaddressestheefforts ofthedemocraticCzechoslovakexileto influence eventsin Czechoslovakia and to point out systematic Czechoslovakviolationsof keyHelsinkihuman rights provisions . The CouncilofFreeCzechoslovakia, founded in 1949,was themain organization of thepost1948democratic Czechoslovakexile. On thebasis ofhis own research, thisreviewer can confirm Povolny'sassertion thatthe Councilexpressed concerns aboutviolations ofbasichumanrights inCzechoslovakialong beforethe issue of human rights became prominent in the international arena.The CouncilviewedSovietdiplomatic movesleadingto Helsinki withsuspicion. Itisnecessary tokeepinmindthattheSovietinvasion ofCzechoslovakia inAugust1968and the'normalization' processthatensued werepainful events, whichembittered all pro-democratic Czechoslovaks, and evenledmanyformerly fervent Communists toseetheevilsoftheCommunist system. Therefore, afterthe signing of the HelsinkiFinal Act,the Council continued toworkhardtokeeptheworldinformed oftheon-going repression inCzechoslovakia. The significance ofdomestic opposition inCzechoslovakia is important. Charter77 was themaindomestic dissident organization from the 1970sonward.Far frombeing a revolutionary movement, Charter77 merelycalled on the Communist CzechoslovakGovernment to enforceits ownlaws,especially theHelsinkiprovisions ithad committed itself to. After some disputeamongthe exiles,the Council of Free Czechoslovakiafinally 386 SEER, 87, 2, APRIL 200g decidedtosupport theactivities ofCharter 77.It can be saidthattheCouncil diditsbesttoworkwiththedomestic opposition and democratically-minded sympathizers in othercountries to standup fortherights ofCzechoslovaks behindthe Iron Curtainfromits...

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