Abstract
Algeria introduced a multi‐party system after widespread uprisings in 1988 and preceeded to hold elections, first at the local and then at the national level. The explosion of accumulated tensions in 1988 was generated by the shortcomings of the nation's industrialisation project nad the lack of sufficient opportunities for the post‐revolution generation. Seventy five per cent of the population was less than 20 years of age; forty per cent were unemployed. The model of economic development used in Algeria, focussing on heavy industrialisation, had led to a vast rural exodus. Although some new jobs were created, productivity was slowed by bureacratic management and discontent swelled. The underprivileged classes ultimately gave vent to their frustration, some turning to Islam as a final resort against what they perceived to be the corruption and inhumanity of the system. One of the major actors in the multi‐party arena was the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) which, ironically, was committed to abolishing the democratic constitution. The FIS gained the largest number of seats in the local elections and came into control in a number of municipalities. But when it became evident after the first stage of the national elections in late 1991 that the FIS would win at that level as well, the military intervened to prevent the second round of voting. Algeria's experience has important implications for the current debates about democracy. But of significance also within this larger debate are the implications for women of a political victory by Islamic fundamentalists. The authors explore the growth of the women's movement in Algeria (in which they have been personally involved) in the context of the intertwined processes of democratisation and the rise of fundamentalism. They acknowledge that women are themselves divided along ‘traditionalist’ and ‘modernist’ lines, but argue that it is only through increased democratisation that fuller participation by women in society can be achieved.
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