With Law at the Edge of Life

Complicity Noël Burch (bio) Anyone who comes in from the outside quickly learns that the people of the U$A are the most un/misinformed in the developed world, that the country is one [End Page 131] where there is no public debate about any of the essential issues of our time. Capitalism versus socialism, productivism, consumerism, and imperialism—all are carefully erased, dispersed, always already irrelevant. And indeed, along with "the lies my teacher told me"1 and a debased electoral system,2 the media are certainly the most important vector of this unique combination of ignorance, prejudice, and helplessness. But what else, one is tempted to ask, is new? So forgive me if I do not address questions of media studies, which anyway are not really in my ken. Instead, let me set forth briefly—and rather peremptorily, I am afraid—my objection to an assumption that seems to underlie all of these essays, one that sets the manipulators against the manipulated, the guilty ruling classes and their media flunkies against the innocent masses. Christopher Sharrett states this assumption thus: "Knowing the historical context of U.S. state operations is important to understanding how provoked or fabricated crises and a propaganda system that collaborates in this deception are necessary to gain public acceptance of policies that would otherwise be abhorrent." Really? Abhorrent to all Americans? I wonder. This kind of rhetoric belongs to a stalwart left tradition that probably has a Greek name and that consists of feigning to believe that "the people," or "the workers," implicitly share the consciousness of a lucid vanguard (feminists have been guilty of the same oratorical sleight of hand). As such, of course, it is a touching stamp of authenticity: all of these authors are fighting to keep alive the materialist values of the Left, and I salute their efforts. However, this distant observer—and until recently regular visitor—suspects on the contrary that there is a deep tacit complicity between those directly responsible for U$ actions abroad, judged abhorrent indeed by most of the rest of the world, and the mindset of the vast majority of people living in "America," whose usurped denomination has always hinted at its hegemonic vocation. That complicity has a name. Bush senior spelled it out when he defended the U$ refusal to adhere to the Kyoto protocol—meant to start containing the greenhouse effect—in the name of "the American way of life." This brazen contempt for the planet and the future of humanity failed to arouse substantial protest in the United States. Was it simply for lack of information? Or was it because the immense majority of the Bush family's compatriots—not just the alienated born-againers in the Bible Belt—are happy to benefit from that way of life . . . even its K-Mart tag ends? And because they have been trained to live in an eternal present. And I include most of the well-paid academics who constitute the backbone of the liberal and the Radical Left in the country. As Bush juniorand the rest of that gang know, if you are not going to reduce the consumption of gasoline, then you need new resources (hence the Alaska scandal, the campaign against Cesar Chavez, and the war to get Saddam's oil). And the electorate seems less and less disturbed about massacring a lot of gooks "out there," in that mostly fictional world that 80 percent of Americans have never visited. Terry Eagleton suggests that the popularity in the United States of postmodernist ideology is a way of coping with a lived contradiction: [End Page 132] This doctrine . . . is currently being deployed by some to defend the American way of life. . . . In order to avoid the unwelcome conclusion that there is no rational justification for one's form of life, one must seek to disable the very idea of critique itself, branding it as necessarily "metaphysical," "transcendent," "absolute," or "foundational."3 The American way of life has many dimensions, most of them pernicious,4 but Bush père was referring in fact to that culture of consumption/ WASTE (the latter being the obliterated face of the American way of life) that along...

Matthew T. Huber Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and Forces of Capital, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 2013; 253 pp: 9780816677856, 25 [pounds sterling] (pbk) The historian David Nye (1998) explains, 'as Americans incorporated new machines and processes into their lives, they became ensnared in power systems that were not easily changed ... Processes of capitalism and industrialization alone do not explain this rapid development or [the massive] national difference. Culture does.' Matthew T. Hubers Lifeblood builds critically on this idea, explaining that capital is central to a particular construction of a cultural politics of life--'the lived practices and meanings that naturalize capitalist forms of power and hegemony'--an 'entrepreneurial life' made possible by socioecological relations that extract, refine, consume and enliven 'dead ecologies' of fossil-fuel energy. Huber's focus, importantly, is on 'life' and particular construction of an 'American way of life' under oil-fired capitalism, as opposed to fossil-fuel machine-dominated 'work' (for more on work, see Noble 1977, 1984). He explains that oil is 'a central energy resource shaping forces of social reproduction ... real subsumption of under capital ... [wherein] appears as capital, or what Foucault calls the enterprise form so central to neoliberal subjectivities.' With this focus, Huber adds a unique analysis to growing literature on energy and capitalism, providing a critique and supplement to work of, amongst others, Timothy Mitchell (2011) and Mazen Labban (2008). In theoretical introduction to work, Chapter 1, Huber focuses on 'fetishism of oil', which embeds it with an undialectical 'thingness', an alien character and attribution of causality outside of social relations. As Huber argues, oil needs to be understood as a specifically material aspect of alienated and seemingly autonomous power of capital over living labour. The cultural politics of capital shifts from formal to real subsumption of as wage-labour relation and social reproduction based on commodity relations is supplemented with a material transformation made possible by oil (a home, car and family), and when 'life' is expressed materially as an 'individualized product of hard work, investment, competitive tenacity and entrepreneurial life choices'. Huber argues this is central to creating and reinforcing 'lived process' of neoliberal hegemony. The power of oil, then, is not in its socio-natural properties alone, but in particular historical geographies and social relations that harness its versatility, abundance, energy density and liquidity. Huber's larger historical account focuses on how materiality of oil shapes its 'system of provision'--from extraction, distribution and refining to consumption. The rest of book focuses on particular moments of crisis and stability in development of petro-capitalism in USAs--specifically, 1930s, 1945-1973, 1970s, and 2000s--which align with specific points of 'system of provision' so heavily influenced by materiality of oil. In Chapter 2, Huber roots struggle over production and reproduction of under capitalist relations in what Marx termed 'value of labor power'. Under historical and geographical context of Great Depression and New Deal response in 1930s, a massive reconfiguration of value of labour power was emergent from struggles between labour, capital and state over issues such as wages, housing, living conditions and public provision of services and infrastructure--or largely, determinants of standard of living. Achieving 'American way of life' was complicated by oil overproduction resultant from US legal regime of private property and subterranean oil deposits, which in turn resulted in glut, collapsing prices and a political regime that intended to curtail production through pro-rationing that would set 'recommended' production limits. …

Foreword Introduction: Sport and the Cold War 1. Sport and the American Way of Life 2. Molding America's Youth 3. Chip Hilton, Cold Warrior 4. Rehabilitating the American Way: The NCAA and the Myth of Purity 5. Predicting Loyalty: Sport, the American Way, and Their Opponents 6. Opportunities Gained: African-Americans and the American Way of Life 7. Opportunities Lost: Women and the American Way of Life Epilogue: Bringing It All Together Bibliography Index.

The National Cybersecurity Strategy of the United States of America, issued in 2018 by the Donald Trump administration, indicated as the first pillar, among others, preserving the American way of life. The article aims to present the American way of life as a value that binds Americans, becomes symbols of America and at the same time is one of the political slogans of the Republican party. The American way of life consists of a number of features, including human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and association are legally protected, including in cyberspace. According to Trump, the development of the Internet has made one of the greatest advances since the industrial revolution, enabling great advances in trade, healthcare, communications and every element of the national infrastructure, and the United States aims to uphold the principles of protecting and promoting open, interoperable, reliable and secure Internet.

Defending the American Way of Life, an entry in the “Sport, Culture, and Society” series of the University of Arkansas Press, is a welcome contribution to the growing literature on the intersection of sport and politics during the Cold War. This volume, edited by Toby Rider and Kevin Witherspoon, contains thirteen essays, plus an introduction and conclusion, by a mix of luminaries in the field of sport history along with some promising emerging scholars. The essays consider such issues as the links between governmental and non-governmental efforts to present the United States positively through sport while challenging Soviet propaganda; questions about amateurism and various kinds of cheating; gender roles and the importance of “real women” and “real men” to the conduct of the Cold War; and race as the “Achilles’ heel” of the United States in its quest to win hearts and minds around the world. (Disclosure: Witherspoon was the editor of a prize-winning article I wrote, and I also have been on panels with Rider and several of the contributors. In addition, I contributed to an earlier volume in this series.)This collection does an impressive job of treating selected topics and largely provides a coherent understanding of the impact of the Cold War on international sports. Chapters are concise and well suited for classroom use. Readers will come away recognizing that U.S. athletes were not as innocent when it came to doping as journalists and spectators imagined at the time. Readers also will see that in many ways adherence to “white, middle-class” norms of femininity, a tortured racial history, and the preference for private action rather than government imperatives all hindered U.S. efforts to prove the superiority of U.S. democracy to Soviet-style Communism. It is a small point, but Mark Dyreson gets top marks for correcting an error about Olympic hockey at Lake Placid found in an exhibit on the U.S. flag at Fort McHenry (p. 220).Readers will see how an array of impressive individuals represented the United States through sports during the Cold War. Dennis Gildea tells the story of Millard Lampell, a one-time college athlete who became a successful writer and a performer in the Almanac Singers—which included such notables as Pete Seeger, Woodie Guthrie, and Burl Ives—and who was later blacklisted. Damion Thomas insightfully describes the challenges facing the African-American professional tennis player Arthur Ashe in taking a stand against apartheid in South Africa. In one of Witherspoon's two chapters, he tells the story of track athlete Mal Whitfield, the first African American to win the prestigious Sullivan Award as the top amateur athlete in the United States. Whitfield had a career as a sporting diplomat that started before Jackie Robinson integrated baseball and continued well past the crest of the Black Power movement. Witherspoon explains how Whitfield “transformed from ‘good Negro’ to black radical” (p. 140). In a chapter with one of the best section subtitles ever—“The Tennessee State Tigerbelles Join the Cold War”—Cat Ariail explains the diplomatic effectiveness of the greatest Tigerbelle track star, Wilma Rudolph, who was a triple gold medalist at the 1960 Rome Summer Olympics. She later visited Africa “as a lone representative of the United States, an assignment that suggests that the State Department recognized that Rudolph seemed to singularly embody an idealized image of American democracy” (p. 151). In addition to speed and determination on the track, Rudolph had a charm and beauty that enhanced her effectiveness as a sports diplomat—and earned her 75 marriage proposals after the Rome Olympics, plus another 50 on a subsequent trip to Africa. John Gleaves and Matthew Llewellyn, in their chapter on “The ‘Big Arms’ Race,” cite the U.S. weightlifter Ken Patera, who, in anticipation of a 1972 Olympic matchup against a Soviet counterpart, memorably said that in Munich “we'll see which are better—his steroids or mine” (p. 56).Yet for all the book's strengths, some readers may find the authors trying too hard to appear evenhanded in the U.S.-Soviet conflict. Some contributors’ claims about the ostensible Soviet commitment to gender equality ignore the persistent strains of sexism in the USSR that undermined official pronouncements. In making the case that U.S. journalists harped on Soviet cheating while downplaying U.S. wrongdoing, one essay complains about a New York Times article that failed to mention a U.S. swimmer “who inadvertently tested positive after using his asthma medicine” (p. 59)—an event that hardly ranks on par with systematic efforts by Communist states’ athletes to cheat and avoid detection. A claim that “the US media discourse changed direction” to focus on Soviet doping villainy “at the precise moment when the Soviets seized control of Olympic medal tables in the 1970s” (p. 59) is undermined by a later chapter's revelation that the Soviet Union outdid the United States in medals at Melbourne in 1956 by a margin of 98–74 and four year later at Rome by the even more lopsided 103–71 (p. 90).The short, easily digestible essays occasionally leave the reader wanting more. For example, when Witherspoon mentions that Whitfield “toured five nations with Muhammad Ali leading up to the 1980 Olympics” (p. 136), the reader wants to know more about Whitfield's connection to Jimmy Carter's efforts to promote a boycott of the Moscow Games. Witherspoon also describes Whitfield's visit to “many underdeveloped nations, such as Laos,” in 1963. Given the then-recent agreement to neutralize that Southeast Asian country, in the context of growing U.S. involvement in neighboring Vietnam, Laos begged for a description more detailed than “non-aligned.” Discussion of Ronald Reagan and the 1984 Olympics smartly mentions the U.S.-Soviet hostility engendered by the September 1983 shoot-down of Korean Air Lines flight 007 but omits other relevant contemporary events: U.S. deployments of Pershing II missiles and ground-launched cruise missiles in Western Europe, and Reagan's eventual surmise that his confrontational approach had reached its limits and that the time had come for a more conciliatory policy toward Moscow.A final criticism concerns some of the book's art. Many of the book's photographic illustrations work beautifully. But the photograph of Rudolph displays neither the scissors-like strides that made her such a force on the track nor the glamorous looks that earned her a profusion of marriage proposals. The cover of the book contains a striking color image of a female athlete, rearing back and ready to hurl a javelin, in a packed stadium with flags flying around the top. But it shows a Soviet athlete. The black-and-white rendering also accompanies Lindsay Parks Pieper's article on gender and sport, where it fits perfectly, but it is an odd choice for the cover of a book titled Defending the American Way of Life.These complaints should not dissuade readers from this volume. It is an impressive and varied accomplishment and a significant contribution to the ongoing scholarly discussion of sport and politics during the Cold War.

This article contrasts the treatment of refugees and immigrants in the United States after 9.11 with the last Muslim mass-immigration of the twentieth century, Kosovo-Albanian refugees, and the already present Albanian-Americans who welcomed them. After NATO's 1999 bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), roughly 863,000 people sought refuge outside Kosovo, mainly into Albania, Macedonia and Montenegro, while an additional 590,000 were internally displaced. The historical context presented in the first part of the article shows how the treatment of the refugees during and after the war was shaped by norms of public and private derived from the political development of the West, as well as more recent efforts to globally regulate the trans-national flow of peoples. The trans-national history of these migrants was narrated in the mainstream US public sphere in a way that conformed to (usually liberal) sentimental fantasy norms about the 'American way of life'. Several of the public and private norms associated with gender, race, and economy in the United States appeared upheld and invigorated via representations of these 'foreigners'. The final section addresses what broadly can be conceived as an ethics of compassion and sentimental empathy for suffering which were the major tropes around which migrant identities were put to use.

This essay reads Will Herberg’s Protestant-Catholic-Jew alongside Robert Bellah’s “Civil Religion in America” to illuminate how mid-century thinkers constructed, rather than merely observed, a vision of, and for, American religion. Placing Herberg in direct conversation with Bellah illuminates why Herberg’s religious triptych depiction of America endured while his argument for an “American Way of Life”—the prototype for Bellah’s widely accepted idea of civil religion—flailed. Although Herberg’s “American Way of Life” and Bellah’s “Civil Religion” resemble one another as systems built on but distinct from faith traditions, they emerged from intellectual struggles with two distinct issues. Herberg’s work stemmed from the challenges wrought by ethnic and religious diversity in America, while Bellah wrote out of frustration with Cold War conformity. Both men used civil religion to critique American complacency, but Herberg agonized over trite formulations of faith while Bellah derided uncritical affirmations of patriotism. Bellah’s civil religion co-existed with and, more importantly, contained Herberg’s “Protestant-Catholic-Jew” triad and obscured the American Way of Life. In an increasingly diverse and divisive America, Bellah’s civil religion provided a more optimistic template for national self-critique, even as Herberg’s American Way of Life more accurately described the limits of national self-understanding.

Book Review| July 01 1951 Freedom and the University: The Responsibility of the University for the Maintenance of Freedom in the American Way of Life by Edgar N. Johnson, et al Freedom and the University: The Responsibility of the University for the Maintenance of Freedom in the American Way of Life. By Johnson, Edgar N.; Calkins, Robert D.; Rostow, Eugene V.; Lilienthal, Joseph L.Jr.; Oppenheimer, J. Robert; Kirkland, Edward C.. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950. Pp. ix, 129. $2.00. Alan K. Manchester Alan K. Manchester Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google South Atlantic Quarterly (1951) 50 (3): 445–446. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-50-3-445 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Alan K. Manchester; Freedom and the University: The Responsibility of the University for the Maintenance of Freedom in the American Way of Life by Edgar N. Johnson, et al. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 July 1951; 50 (3): 445–446. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-50-3-445 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 1951 by Duke University Press1951 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

During the course of the twentieth century, the discourse of “Anti-Americanism” became the dominant mode of articulating difference from or even outright opposition to the United States and the “American way of life.”2 The standard French dictionary of the late nineteenth century, however, did not even recognize the term “Anti-Americanism.” It offered only “Americanist: partisan of the Americans; someone who loves, who affects their manners, their customs” and “Americomanie: affected, ridiculous admiration for everything associated with America.”3 It does not follow, however, that nineteenth-century images of the United States were wholly or mainly positive, either in France or elsewhere. While a handful of individuals might have been infected by Americomanie, more often than not the US experiment was examined rather more critically. In general, however, the nineteenth-century discourse on the pros and cons of the American way life relied on a different terminology from the one we are familiar with today. Designations such as “le frere Jonathan,” “Uncle Sam,” or “el yanqui” were popular colloquialisms. Yet, when it came to explaining American society or identifying its particularities, such labels proved insufficient. More commonly, both Europeans and Latin Americans applied the binary concepts of “Anglo-Saxonism” and “Latinity” to make sense of the “American way of life” and to explain its distinctiveness from their own societies: the United States was imagined in terms of a conception of cultural and historical difference as determined by a society’s “racial” properties.

Reviewed by: Unofficial Ambassadors: American Military Families Overseas and the Cold War, 1946–1965 Maurice M. Labelle Alvah, Donna — Unofficial Ambassadors: American Military Families Overseas and the Cold War, 1946–1965. New York: New York University Press, 2007. Pp. 289. In Unofficial Ambassadors: American Military Families Overseas and the Cold War, 1946–1965, historian Donna Alvah illuminates the ways in which us military families abroad influenced global perceptions of American diplomacy, state, society, and culture. During the early Cold War period, United States military spouses and children stationed in Western Europe and Asia sought to cultivate neighbouring support and friendly relations with local people on- and off-base. By serving as "unofficial ambassadors" of "the American way of life," these ordinary Americans buttressed local us military efforts and global, Cold War diplomatic objectives. "Families … could exercise international influence and advance diplomatic aims by representing a nonmilitaristic facet of the United States," Alvah contends. "Wives, children, and servicemen in their domestic roles as husbands and fathers could exert soft-power influence that both complemented and tempered the United States' hard-power martial presence" (p. 227). Through multiple formal and informal cultural encounters with residents of occupied and host countries, American military families exercised a friendly and "feminine" form of American global power, consequently proliferating the myth of us exceptionalism. As Washington envisioned the establishment of a new Cold War order after World War II, military officials encouraged military families stationed overseas to participate in American foreign relations by fraternizing with non-Americans. In the spirit of cultural internationalism, husbands, wives, and children displayed American leadership, generosity, and benevolence as they visibly took part in myriad local events and humanitarian causes. American servicemen, at this time, were expected to "teach" local families the fruits of democracy and American culture. Such efforts depicted American dominance in a paternalist light, as "portrayals of servicemen with children … appealed to the idea of international family ties, though always with the American men in the role of adult benefactors" (p. 57). "The frequency of familial metaphors in representing relationships between servicemen and host nationals, as well as actual family relationships," Alvah convincingly argues, "illustrates the centrality of ideas [End Page 479] about the family to relations between the U.S. military and peoples of foreign countries" (p. 60). US military wives, for their part, actively advanced global aims and participated in the Cold War by forging informal international alliances and assisting disadvantaged peoples, as well as promoting American "values." Through their "feminine good will," white American women acted as US diplomatic agents, as they "represented sincere efforts to do good for those who were less privileged than Americans, while helping to ease Americans' discomfort with and even morally justify their nation's global dominance" (p. 82). On the Pacific island of Okinawa, for instance, Marian Merritt and other US military spouses sought to assist Okinawans in their postwar recovery, protect them from peril, and obtain their allegiance to the American Cold War effort. While perceiving local residents as inferior, childlike peoples in need of American guardianship, they constructed themselves as maternal protectors. "This maternalism tries to ease the negative effects of paternalistic military control while reinforcing justifications for the Cold war domination of Okinawa by the United States," Alvah contends (pp. 168–69). In an attempt to present a more friendly and compassionate picture of the American occupation of Okinawa, military wives "sought to counteract the negative effects of the military through nurturing, intimate interactions with Okinawans while maintaining the power differential" (p. 178). Unofficial Ambassadors serves as an excellent contribution to the existing scholarship on gender in US foreign relations and American internationalism. By highlighting the agency of US military wives and children abroad, Alvah draws necessary attention to the involvement of non-state actors in American diplomacy. She fails, however, to offer a substantial discussion regarding the role of US servicemen when off-duty and their interactions with local residents. How did these husbands embrace local culture and espouse these social roles? Did they engage with host citizens in the same ways as their wives? Did they promote a feminine, non-militaristic vision of the so-called American way of life? Alvah, in addition, leads...

In this occasional series we record the views and personal experience of people who have especially contributed to the evolution of ideas in the Journal's field of interest. Raul Caetano qualified in medicine in Brazil. While retaining close academic and cultural links with his native country, he has developed a career as an alcohol epidemiologist with research positions first in Berkeley,California and then at the University of Texas. He has contributed very widely to epidemiological research on drinking but with a sustained ability to develop the important ethnic dimensions of such studies.

The American Way of Life is Much Older than the United States. In fact, the United States was founded to preserve it. The United States of America was established during the American War of Independence of 1775–83. The American Union subsequently was solidified by the adoption of the federal Constitution of 1787 and rescued by the defeat of the Southern attempt at secession in 1861–65.

The most comprehensive collection of essays on undocumented immigration to date, covering issues not generally found anywhere else on the subject. Three fascinating volumes feature the latest research from the country's top immigration scholars. In the United States, the crisis of undocumented immigrants draws strong opinions from both sides of the debate. For those who immigrate, concerns over safety, incorporation, and fair treatment arise upon arrival. For others, the perceived economic, political, and cultural impact of newcomers can feel threatening. In this informative three-volume set, top immigration scholars explain perspectives from every angle, examining facts and seeking solutions to counter the controversies often brought on by the current state of undocumented immigrant affairs. Immigration expert and set editor Lois Lorentzen leads a stellar team of contributors, laying out history, theories, and legislation in the first book; human rights, sexuality, and health in the second; and economics, politics, and morality in the final volume. From family separation, to human trafficking, to notions of citizenship, this provocative study captures the human costs associated with this type of immigration in the United States, questions policies intended to protect the "American way of life," and offers strategies for easing tensions between immigrants and natural-born citizens in everyday life.

The most comprehensive collection of essays on undocumented immigration to date, covering issues not generally found anywhere else on the subject. Three fascinating volumes feature the latest research from the country's top immigration scholars. In the United States, the crisis of undocumented immigrants draws strong opinions from both sides of the debate. For those who immigrate, concerns over safety, incorporation, and fair treatment arise upon arrival. For others, the perceived economic, political, and cultural impact of newcomers can feel threatening. In this informative three-volume set, top immigration scholars explain perspectives from every angle, examining facts and seeking solutions to counter the controversies often brought on by the current state of undocumented immigrant affairs. Immigration expert and set editor Lois Lorentzen leads a stellar team of contributors, laying out history, theories, and legislation in the first book; human rights, sexuality, and health in the second; and economics, politics, and morality in the final volume. From family separation, to human trafficking, to notions of citizenship, this provocative study captures the human costs associated with this type of immigration in the United States, questions policies intended to protect the "American way of life," and offers strategies for easing tensions between immigrants and natural-born citizens in everyday life.

The most comprehensive collection of essays on undocumented immigration to date, covering issues not generally found anywhere else on the subject. Three fascinating volumes feature the latest research from the country's top immigration scholars. In the United States, the crisis of undocumented immigrants draws strong opinions from both sides of the debate. For those who immigrate, concerns over safety, incorporation, and fair treatment arise upon arrival. For others, the perceived economic, political, and cultural impact of newcomers can feel threatening. In this informative three-volume set, top immigration scholars explain perspectives from every angle, examining facts and seeking solutions to counter the controversies often brought on by the current state of undocumented immigrant affairs. Immigration expert and set editor Lois Lorentzen leads a stellar team of contributors, laying out history, theories, and legislation in the first book; human rights, sexuality, and health in the second; and economics, politics, and morality in the final volume. From family separation, to human trafficking, to notions of citizenship, this provocative study captures the human costs associated with this type of immigration in the United States, questions policies intended to protect the "American way of life," and offers strategies for easing tensions between immigrants and natural-born citizens in everyday life.