Whose Development? Framing of Ireland's Aid Communities by Institutional Sources and the Media During and After the Celtic Tiger

Abstract

IN SEPTEMBER  THE GOVERNMENT’S newly published White Paper on Irish Aid was presented to the media and the public as a statement of Ireland’s new position in, and increased responsibilities to, the international community. The economic success of the Celtic Tiger era had endowed the State not only with the means but also with the obligation to strengthen its aid commitments to developing nations. The White Paper outlined an ambitious strategy: Irish Aid would administer the overseas aid budget (OAB) to direct development assistance to nine ‘programme’ countries, seven in Africa and two in Asia. Smaller amounts of aid would go to ‘other aid recipient countries’ in Europe, Africa, Latin America and Asia. In implementing the strategy, Irish Aid would develop partnerships with and allocate funding to non-governmental organisations (NGOs), multilateral organisations and the governments of developing countries. The White Paper committed the Government to raising the OAB to .% of Gross National Product (GNP) by . On reaching this level, Government projections anticipated an annual OAB of about €.bn. However, supporting developing nations was not central to how the White Paper and the OAB were framed by Government sources or in the subsequent media coverage. Rather, the central frames were Ireland’s growing ‘status’ and ‘wealth’ during the Celtic Tiger – economically, socially, and internationally. The OAB, in particular, was linked to ‘what it meant to be Irish in the st Century’. The assumptions underpinning the frames originated with Government sources and passed through the media largely unquestioned and unchallenged. Coverage of the White Paper highlighted the media’s dependency on the Government as a provider of information and authoritative sources. It also illustrated