Abstract
It is fitting that the first article in this issue of South African Crime Quarterly (SACQ) speaks to the South African Police Service’s tackling of commercial crime. It is increasingly clear that corporate–political collusion poses a serious threat to South Africa’s democratic gains. In recent months journalists have started to pick through a trove of emails released in June, known as the #GuptaLeaks. In the process they have connected the dots between tens of thousands of exchanges among the notorious Gupta business family, management of parastatals, governmentministers and allies of President Jacob Zuma, including his son Duduzane. The emails paint a terrifying picture of state capture and abuse.
Highlights
Among the most important revelations in the #GuptaLeaks is strong evidence that R5.3 billion was paid to Gupta associates in kickbacks in 2014 locomotive deals between the South African parastatal Transnet and Chinese locomotive manufacturer, China South Rail (CSR)
Both revelations – the locomotive and agricultural deals – hint at the degree to which business people and politicians, many linked to Gupta and Zuma networks, have colluded to fleece the South African fiscus in recent years
John Kole asks whether private security officers (PSOs) could better support the SAPS crime prevention mandate if they had more legal authority
Summary
Among the most important revelations in the #GuptaLeaks is strong evidence that R5.3 billion was paid to Gupta associates in kickbacks in 2014 locomotive deals between the South African parastatal Transnet and Chinese locomotive manufacturer, China South Rail (CSR). The deal was ostensibly intended to drive agricultural empowerment projects for residents, but instead the money appears to have landed up in the United Arab Emirates, from where it was funnelled back to South Africa through and into other Gupta-owned companies.[2] The deal was facilitated by current Minister of Mineral Resources Mosebenzi Zwane, who at the time was the Free State MEC for agriculture.
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