Where Is Portland Made? The Complex Relationship between Social Media and Place in the Artisan Economy of Portland, Oregon (USA)

Britspace™?

On Social Networks, Anonymous Testimonies, and Other Tools of Feminist Activism against Sexual Violence in Egypt

This study analyzes how interaction and motivation to use social media influence religious participation, especially among millennial Muslim women. Social media has become a new public space for religious people to interact, share, and organize religious activities. This study uses a quantitative method by distributing online questionnaires to millennial generation Muslim women who follow @kingfasialjim Instagram account. Researchers chose to take samples with purposive sampling using Malhotra's technique and obtained a sample of 100 people. The results showed that social media interaction has a significant influence on religious participation, while motivation to use social media has no significant influence when analyzed individually. However, when interaction and motivation were analyzed together, both were found to have a significant influence on religious participation. The findings are relevant for religious communities and stakeholders who want to understand the dynamics of religious expression and participation in the social media era.

PA/LTC Goes Around the World in Online Communities

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Gender in the making: An empirical approach to understand gender relations in the maker movement

This report examines the complex role of the arts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Repeated lockdowns, social distancing, disease control restrictions and other guidance since March 2020 introduced a series of paradoxes and challenges in the arts and cultural sector. On the one hand, venue closures and job losses significantly disrupted the cultural industries. However, the pandemic also provided new opportunities for home-based arts engagement including digital arts activities, online arts and cultural groups, and streamed performances. As the pandemic lengthened across late 2020 into 2021, hybrid models of engagement and socially-distanced engagement emerged, and since July 2021, the reopening of society has provided more freedom for the cultural industries. However, this reopening has also highlighted that the arts and cultural sector needs to evolve and adapt if it is to be sustainable in a post-COVID world. The paradoxes and challenges extend to audiences too. Although many were unable to go to community events or cultural venues for much of the first 16 months of the pandemic, home-based arts activities became increasingly popular, with evidence suggesting that the demographic profile of people engaging with the arts evolved. However, the initial changes in audience demographics seen during the first UK lockdown have continued to change since: while the pandemic has shown that new audiences can be reached, sustaining them could be a greater challenge. A final paradox relates to health and wellbeing. Although the pandemic has caused significant economic and psychological hardship, particularly for those working in the arts and cultural sector, many people turned to the arts as a vital means of coping with the challenges of the pandemic. towards the virus, have changed since COVID-19 first emerged, new longer-term stressors around healthcare, employment and supporting children and young people are growing. The role of the arts in supporting these challenges is, consequently, also changing. This report therefore uses the best available evidence to examine these issues across the first 16 months of the pandemic in the UK. We review a range of literature to explore these paradoxes, reflecting on (i) how audiences and arts behaviours changed and whether such changes are showing signs of becoming persistent within our society, (ii) how and why the arts helped people to cope during the pandemic, and (iii) how those working within the arts and cultural sector have been affected. Findings in this report come from secondary sources and primary empirical research commissioned alongside this report and are summarised as follows: The authors of this report took a scoping review approach, using keyword searches of the following databases: PubMed, Google Scholar, ScienceDirect, Taylor & Francis Online search engine, Scopus and Web of Science. Although most restrictions have been lifted at the time of this report, the pandemic is still ongoing and grey literature continues to be relevant to the report. Therefore, pre-prints (preliminary reports of work that have not been certified by peer review) and reports sourced through Google and website searches were also included. We focused on results from the UK but included findings from other countries as points of comparison. This report is not a systematic literature review as it was carried out during and after lockdown periods when social and political conditions of the pandemic were rapidly changing. It is intended to provide an overview of the role of the arts during COVID-19, and future research should delve further into the topics and issues it raises. USE OF TERMS This term is used to encompass a wide variety of ways in which audiences have engaged in activities related to the arts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Many in-person events were cancelled during the pandemic, so unless otherwise specified, we use the term arts and cultural activities to refer to home-based engagement. They include crafts (such as painting, sculpture or knitting); performing arts (such as dance, drama, and listening to music); writing and reading (such as reading fiction or writing poetry) and cultural events (such as engaging with museums, galleries, theatres or festivals, either in-person or through digital or virtual engagement) (1). This report follows the UNESCO definition of the cultural and creative industries that have as their main objective the production or reproduction, the promotion, distribution or commercialization of goods, services and activiti (2). However, we also specifically use the language of the to acknowledge that our focus is primarily on industries with a cultural object at the (3) as set out by the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) (e.g., arts, film, TV and music, radio, photography, crafts, museums and galleries, and libraries) (4), rather than broader creative industries (e.g., advertising and marketing, architecture, IT, software, and computer services)(4)(5). Identifying those who work in the arts and cultural sector is complex as there are diverse ways to engage in cultural careers, with many moving in and out of contract work, taking on unpaid work, managing periods of unemployment, and working in other industries alongside artistic occupations ultural broad ways of engaging with cultural work and to include a wide range of literature in our review, including occupations across the arts and cultural sector as described above (5).

Creative Industries and the Limits of Critique from

Bystander Apathy and Intervention in the Era of Social Media

The COVID-19 pandemic created challenges for medical students applying in the 2021 match cycle. The Association of American Medical Colleges recommended that visiting student rotations be discouraged on May 11, 2020. These rotations are the most important criteria in resident selection by program directors.1 As a result, applicants and programs were forced to find alternative ways to learn about one another, including social media. Nearly four-fifths of the U.S. population uses social media, and more than half of practicing plastic surgeons are using these digital networks to connect directly with the public.2 Are plastic surgery residency programs using these tools to connect with prospective candidates? We examine the utilization of three social media platforms (Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook) by plastic surgery residency programs. We obtained a list of accredited integrated or independent programs from Doximity and separated programs into four tiers based on their Doximity reputation ranking (25 programs each in tiers 1 through 3 and 23 programs in tier 4). For each social media platform, we assessed whether a program had a profile, total number of posts, total number of followers and likes, total number of followed accounts, and date of creation. A total of 80.6% of programs (79 of 98) had Instagram profiles dedicated to plastic surgery residency, with an average of 1619.37 followers and following an average of 360.17 accounts. On average, programs had 127.26 posts. Tier 1 programs (programs 1 through 25) had the largest proportion of programs participating on Instagram compared with other tiers [23 of 25 (92%)]. This was followed by tier 3 [22 of 25 (88%)], tier 2 [20 of 25 (80%)], and tier 4 [14 of 25 (56%)] (Fig. 1).Fig. 1.: Number of dedicated plastic surgery residency Instagram accounts sorted by tier.A total of 22.44% of programs (22 of 98) had Twitter profiles dedicated to residency, with an average of 493.45 followers and following an average of 347.39 accounts. On average, programs had 212.06 posts (ie, tweets). A total of 32.65% of programs (32 of 98) had Facebook profiles dedicated to residency, with an average of 368.25 likes and 498.65 followers. A similar analysis of general surgery residency social media found that 43.7% of residency programs had an Instagram account and 44.0% were on Twitter, with 55.3% of residency programs having at least one account on social media, illustrating the increasing importance of maintaining a presence on social media.3 Other specialties have also adopted social media use.4,5 Instagram allows plastic surgery residency programs to reach a larger audience than Facebook and Twitter combined and the top tier of programs had the largest number of followers on Instagram (Fig. 2). Applicants should consider following all tiers of programs across social media platforms to maximize chances to connect. Lower tier programs may consider creating an Instagram account as they were least represented by the total number of accounts.Fig. 2.: Average followers per plastic surgery residency account sorted by tier.Other specialties hosted virtual interviews for the 2022 match. We recommend that programs that have not adopted Instagram as a recruitment tool do so. Social media represents a viable platform for residency accounts to communicate with prospective residents. Because of the ongoing nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and the popularity of social media, social media represents a powerful recruitment tool that we expect to continue to grow. DISCLOSURE The authors did not receive any funding for this study. They have no financial disclosures to declare and report no conflicts of interest.

Cooperative Mentorship: Negotiating Social Media Use within the Family

Exposure is the intensity of the audience's state when they encounter messages disseminated by a media outlet. The measurement of media exposure to message reception can be observed from three dimensions: Frequency, Attention, and Duration. In the era of social media, driven by content, visuals, images, or videos play a key role in attracting the interest of followers. Content is a fundamental element of social media. Consequently, content becomes public consumption material, especially on new media platforms like Instagram. Users utilize social media to promote or brand themselves to be recognized and eventually attract followers' interest. There are many beautiful places in Indonesia with stunning natural landscapes that are still relatively unknown. An Instagram account like @pesona.indonesia helps to address this by showcasing these locations. With the increasing number of people interested in visiting tourist destinations and the growth of Instagram accounts focusing on travel, this study aims to determine the impact of media exposure and the content of the Instagram account @pesona.indonesia on followers' travel interest. Using the Uses and Effects Theory, which analyzes the impact of media exposure and content on followers' perceptions, the research employs a quantitative method with multiple linear regression analysis. The sample consists of 400 followers of the Instagram account @pesona.indonesia, aged between 10 and 37 years. The results indicate that media exposure and content from the Instagram account @pesona.indonesia contribute 20.5% to the influence on followers' travel interest, while the remaining 79.5% is influenced by other variables not observed in this study. The conclusion of this research is that there is a simultaneous influence of media exposure and content on the Instagram account @pesona.indonesia regarding followers' travel interest

Media as a medium of construing discourse, for example a dominant figure religion. In Islam the ideal muslim shown by the media that has a role as a medium for forming new ideologies in religious aspects. This research aims to explore the ideal Muslim discourse on the Instagram social media account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie. This research uses a qualitative method with content analysis in the form of Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis and focuses on the level of text presented in the content on the Instagram social media account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie. To find out the extent of the truth of the research, the author uses data validity techniques in the form of triangulation of data sources. Meanwhile, data analysis techniques consist of data selection, interpretation and interpretation of the text, data presentation and discussion, to draw conclusions. The results of this study indicate that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is in the form of a ban on uploading photos to social media for men (muslimin) and women (muslimah). In addition, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, achievements, possessions, and others to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse that is presented refers to the ideal Muslim character according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards the establishment and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and avoiding His prohibitions. The results of this research show that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is a prohibition on uploading photos to social media for men (Muslims) and women (Muslimah). Apart from that, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, their achievements, possessions and so on to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse presented refers to the ideal Muslim characteristic according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards standing and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and staying away from His prohibitions. The results of this research show that the ideology constructed in the Instagram account @ukhtiakhiantiselfie is a prohibition on uploading photos to social media for men (Muslims) and women (Muslimah). Apart from that, there is an ideal Muslim standard for Muslims, namely individuals who do not upload photos of themselves, their achievements, possessions and so on to the public via social media. Meanwhile, the discourse presented refers to the ideal Muslim characteristic according to Hamka in the form of istiqomah, namely showing firm actions towards standing and carrying out the commands of Allah SWT and staying away from His prohibitions.

Micro­microcelebrity: Branding Babies on the Internet

Social media are everyday companions for adolescents, enabling them to communicate and share their experience of the world. With the rise of social media, location has gained importance as an organizing principle of online content. In addition, actions like taking, geotagging and uploading pictures on the go mediate space in a new way. In this article, we explore the production of space through social media, and the emerging receptive processes among young people against the background of a changed allocation of spatial meaning through digitization processes. The ubiquity of software leads to a production of ‘coded spaces’ and ‘code/spaces’. We give an overview of contemporary research within geography that examines the production of space in social media and identify possible ways of thinking about space in social media. In order to analyse young people’s spatial practices in social media, we conducted interviews with adolescents regarding their social media habits. Our first analysis reveals several spatial practices that occur on Instagram: youngsters select locations specifically for Instagram, geotag places that they deem exceptional, and edit their photos with filters. Our analysis confirms that software leads to the emergence of new spatial practices. The production and reception of space in the context of digitization raise a series of questions regarding the theoretical conception of space on social media.