Abstract
In this squib, I analyze a hitherto unnoticed interaction between VP-ellipsis and sluicing (TP-ellipsis) in English in which the VP-ellipsis site contains a certain positive propositional complement headed by a Neg-raising predicate whereas the TP-ellipsis site denotes the negative counterpart of the same proposition, thereby yielding a mismatched-polarity interpretation between the two ellipsis sites. I show that the relevant data presented here provide strong support for a pragmatic-semantic approach to the so-called Neg-raised reading (Bartsch 1973, Gajewski 2005, 2007, Kroll 2019) over the syntactic Neg-raising alternative (Collins and Postal 2014, 2018).
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