Abstract
AbstractThis chapter discusses cases in which morphological constructions are prevented from combining with certain bases, or from combining with each other in the expected manner, because of phonological conditions that the combinations would violate. These situations are described in Optimality Theoretic terms as instantiating the P » M ranking, in which a phonological consideration outranks a morphological consideration. Suppletive allomorphy, ineffability (blocking), haplology (e.g. the Repeated Morph Constraint), and phonologically conditioned affix ordering are explored, along with theoretical treatments of each. The chapter concludes that phonological interference with morphology, especially in the area of affix ordering, is not nearly as common as many theories predict that it should be.
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