Whatsapp como campo de batalha: reflexões ético-metodológicas a partir de uma etnografia em grupos de oração evangélicos

This chapter analyzes what happens to media use when everyday life is suddenly disrupted, focusing on how the COVID-19 pandemic transformed work, socializing, communication and everyday living. The empirical case is changing media use in Norway during the pandemic, building on a qualitative questionnaire survey conducted in early lockdown, and follow-up interviews eight months later. Expanding on the ideas of destabilization of media repertoires developed in the former chapter, this analysis discusses transforming media repertoires as more digital, as less mobile (but still smartphone-centric) and as essentially social. The chapter further explains new concepts for pandemic media use practices, such as doomscrolling and Zoom fatigue. Can you remember when you first heard of COVID-19, and did you think it would change your life? 'They started talking about it on the news', said Inger, a Norwegian woman nearing 70, whom we interviewed in late 2020. She continued: 'I still found people were quite relaxed. Who would have thought such a thing could happen to the whole world? It is like science fiction'. 'We talked about it when they speed-built that hospital in China', said Einar, a man in his 40s working in the cultural sector, 'but no one thought it would come here. Former epidemics happened elsewhere'. He added: 'It is like that with a lot of things'. School employee Karla remembered a conversation at work about the need for kids to stay home at the smallest sign of cold symptoms: 'Parents would never get to work! We laughed about it, thinking it was impossible. And then it took three weeks, and the country shut down'.

This conclusion summarizes key insights from the former chapters, and highlights political dimensions of media use in digital everyday life. I particularly underline how our more digital everyday lives intensify communicative dilemmas, in which individuals in everyday settings negotiate with societal norms and power structures through their uses of media technologies. I also discuss how everyday media use connects us to different societal spheres and issues, also pointing to global challenges such as the pandemic and the climate crisis, arguing that everyday media use is key to our understandings of society. I discuss how to analyze this in media use research, emphasizing attention to processes of change and disruption.

The aim of this research is to obtain data about the use of digital media and literacy classes together on student learning outcomes at RA Perwanida Lengkong, Sukorejo, Ponorogo. This research is quantitative research. The research instrument used to obtain data is a scale of digital learning media use and interest in learning. The data analysis technique used is descriptive statistical analysis.Data regarding the use of digital learning media on student learning outcomes was obtained through questionnaires by researchers by measuring something that has a relationship that: (1) There is a significant influence of the use of digital learning media on student learning outcomes. This is proven by obtaining a value of Fo = 9.109 and Sig. 0.000 < 0.05. Together, the variable use of digital learning media contributes 24.2% to the variable student learning outcomes. (2) There is a significant influence of the use of digital media on student learning outcomes. This is proven by the obtained value of tcount = 2.214 and Sig. 0.031 < 0.05. The variable use of digital learning media contributes 12.67% in improving student learning outcomes.

Social media and mobile phones have emerged as important platforms for college students' communication activities. This study examined how college students' psychological need to belong is associated with their use of social media and smartphones. In addition, it further investigated the effects of college students' digital media use on their social engagement. Findings revealed that students' need to belong was positively related with their use of social media and smartphones, which could further facilitate their social engagement. Moreover, the relationship between the need to belong and social engagement was mediated by college students' digital media use. This study offers empirical evidence of the positive effects of digital media on social behaviors and contributed to further understanding about the mechanisms by which need to belong leads to social engagement through digital media use.

Background: There is a controversial debate about the use of digital media in physical education. There are various research results, which mostly do not relate to primary school, however. There are no known studies showing how media educational goals can be integrated into physical education. Our contribution takes this desideratum as its starting point. Taking both current discussion lines in sports pedagogy about physical education in elementary school and the basic assumptions of media education into account, we designed, implemented and evaluated teaching units for the use of digital media in physical education. Purpose: This occurred with regard to the research question of how students in elementary school interpret and experience the use of digital media in physical education when media educational goals and objectives of physical education are addressed equally. This raises the question which opportunities and limitations for educational processes (with regard to movement education, general education and also media education) can be reconstructed. Method: To address the question of students’ perspectives and interpretations on the usage of digital media in physical education, tablets were used in the PE classroom of four primary school classes over the period of one school year. Lessons were developed and carried out in which students were tasked with creating media products using the tablets and the iMovie app. The teaching units were evaluated afterwards based on the research approach of focusing on the perspectives of the students involved. For this purpose, we conducted and analyzed 39 guided interviews with the students after each lesson. The data was analyzed using the grounded theory methodology. Findings: From the analysis of the interviews we developed a category system that describes phenomena of an extended range of access to the experience of physical activity in PE. These are captioned using the categories ‘New creative roles and tasks’ (which is divided in the two subcategories ‘The empowered camera child’ and ‘The cool actor’) and ‘Focused products’ (which is divided in the three subcategories ‘Re-recording of a product’, ‘Improving and developing the product’, and ‘Appreciation and recognition of the product’). The results show that the children's main focus is on their experience of movement. Conclusion: The use of digital media opens up new possibilities in the context of learning and experiencing movement. Besides the function of learning with media, the use of digital media in physical education also means that students learn something about media, for example when the use of media generates personal data that the students and teachers work with. Whether the use of digital media can be beneficial for physical education classes thus depends on the design of the lesson itself.

BackgroundProblematic use of social media and smartphones has been increasingly linked to unhealthy lifestyle behaviors and weight-related problems. However, limited evidence exists on how these digital behaviors are associated with food addiction and obesity in young adults.AimsThe aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between problematic digital media use and food addiction, eating behaviours, and obesity among Turkish university students.MethodA cross-sectional study was conducted between December 2024 and March 2025 with 331 students. Participants completed validated instruments, including the Social Media Addiction Scale–Adult Form, the Smartphone Addiction Scale–Short Form, the Modified Yale Food Addiction Scale 2.0, and the Eating Disorder Examination Questionnaire–Short Form (EDE-Q13). Anthropometric measurements were used to calculate body mass index (BMI).ResultsThe mean age of the participants was 20.49 ± 3.88 years, and 81% were female. Problematic smartphone use was significantly higher among students with moderate food addiction compared to those without food addiction (p < 0.001). Severe food addic-tion was associated with higher prevalence of eating disorders (p < 0.001) and higher BMI values (p < 0.001). Weak but significant correlations were found between problematic so-cial media use and binge eating (r = 0.133, p = 0.015) as well as purging behaviors (r = 0.190, p = 0.001). Similar associations emerged between problematic smartphone use and binge eating (r = 0.136, p = 0.013).ConclusionsFindings indicate that problematic social media and smartphone use are associated with food addiction, eating disorders, and higher BMI among young adults. Nevertheless, these results highlight the need for preventive strategies addressing digital media use in the context of eating behaviors and obesity risk.

Since digital media such as smartphones, tablets or laptops are available in almost every household in industrialised countries, parents are challenged to integrate them into their everyday family life. To gain more information on parents' mediation of digital media, the relationships between their educational intentions, objectives and their children's use of digital media were investigated in consideration of the children's age. Overall, 150 Austrian parents with children aged one year and a half to six years participated in the study (two groups were formed based on the age of the children: toddlers and preschool children). They filled in a questionnaire on their intentions and rules for their children's use of media. Moreover, the parents provided information concerning their objectives for digital media use and the kind of activities for which their children use interactive digital toys or passive digital media. Results show that parents' intentions of their children's media use is mainly to gain time for household chores or work. Whereas the age of the children does not seem to be of great importance to parents concerning the media regulation, the results for the objectives and activities parents want their children to do with digital media do indeed differ between the two age‐groups. Practitioner notesWhat is already known about this topic Average households in industrialised countries are well equipped with digital media technologies. Digital media increasingly become a part of young children's living environment. Parents find it necessary to prevent their children from potential negative effects of digital media use and try to implement rules eg, concerning the time spent with media or content restrictions. What this paper adds Parents' intentions for their children's digital media use as well as the rules they apply for the use of digital media do not differ between toddlers and preschool children. Parents' objectives for their children's use of digital media as well as why and for which purpose their children should use interactive digital toys and passive digital media differs between toddlers and preschool children. Implications for practice and/or policy Support is needed for parents on digital media use with toddlers together. Awareness for digital media use in connection to the rules and objectives needs to be created.

Adverse Childhood Experiences and Digital Media Use Among U.S. Children

This chapter presents the research questions, approaches, and arguments of the book, asking how our everyday lives with media have changed after the smartphone. I introduce the topic of media use in everyday life as an empirical, methodological, and theoretical research interest, and argue for its continued centrality to our digital society today, accentuated by datafication. I discuss how the analytical concepts of media repertories and public connection can inform research into media use in everyday life, and what it means that our societies and user practices are becoming more digital. The main argument of the book is that digital media transform our navigation across the domains of everyday life by blurring boundaries, intensifying dilemmas, and affecting our sense of connection to communities and people around us. The chapter concludes by presenting the structure of the rest of the book, where these arguments will be substantiated in analysis of media use an ordinary day, media use in life phase transitions, and media use when ordinary life is disrupted. Citation Ytre-Arne, B. (2023), "Introduction: Media Use and Everyday Life in Digital Societies", Media Use in Digital Everyday Life, Emerald Publishing Limited, Bingley, pp. 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80262-383-320231001 Publisher: Emerald Publishing Limited Copyright © 2023 Brita Ytre-Arne License Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This work is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this book (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode. Can you remember your first smartphone, and did it change your life? I bought my first smartphone in the early summer of 2011, right before the birth of my first child. I can safely say that life was never the same again. Although the new phone was hardly the most significant change that happened, it became part of how I reconfigured everyday life. My coincidental timing of these events might be a personal particularity, but the early 2010s, only a little more than a decade ago, was a period in which smartphones became part of everyday life for lots of people. This happened in Norway where I live, and in other countries in the Global North, soon followed by broader proliferation worldwide (Avle et al., 2020). In 2021, it was estimated that more than 90 per cent of people had smartphone access in a growing number of countries around the globe (Deloitte, 2021). ‘Smartphones changed everything’, wrote the Wall Street Journal in 2020: ‘smartphones upended every element of society during the last decade, from dating to dinner parties, travel to politics. This is just the beginning’ (Kitchen, 9.9.2020). But while all of this was happening, people lived their lives, using smartphones along with other media old and new, interwoven with what was going on in their lives, and in the world around them. This book explores the role of media in our everyday lives in digital societies, after the proliferation of smartphones and in conditions of ubiquitous connectivity. I analyze everyday media use across platforms, content types and modes of communication, taking the perspective of how we live our lives with media – how we manage plans and practicalities, keep in touch with friends and family, seek information and entertainment, work and learn, take part in shared experiences, and connect to our social lifeworlds. We might do all of this in the space of one single day, and we might experience such a day as ‘ordinary’ – just normal everyday life. But media technologies are also part of our less ordinary days, important to how we manage life-changing transitions and special events in our personal lives, and to how we relate to local communities, political processes or global events. We use media to connect to each other, and to society – throughout an ordinary day, across the life course, and in times of disruption. The smartphone is emblematic of how our everyday lives with media are changing in a digital and hyper-connected society, and as such it is essential to the topic of this book. A central question I discuss is what it means that most of us now have a smartphone to reach for, from where we are and what we are doing, to manage multiple aspects of our daily lives: A mobile, flexible device we rely on to communicate, find information, entertain and assist us, often used in combination with other media, but also a device that enables tracking and surveillance of our movements and engagements, informing feedback loops based on our personal data. How has digital media use in everyday life changed after the smartphone? To answer these questions, I draw on classic scholarship on media and communication technologies in everyday life (Baym, 2015; Silverstone, 1994), and on recent analysis of digital ambivalence and disconnection (Syvertsen, 2020). With a user perspective, I situate smartphones and other kinds of digital platforms as part of broader media repertoires (Hasebrink & Hepp, 2017), with an interest in the totality and internal relationships of any kind of media that people use and find meaningful in their everyday lives. I further understand everyday media use as central to public connection (Couldry et al., 2010), to how we orient ourselves to a world beyond our private concerns. The book provides an updated perspective on media in everyday life after digital media has become increasingly embedded and ingrained in society. A purpose for the book is to fill a gap between classic (but old) discussions on everyday media use, and recent (but sometimes narrowly focused) studies of new technologies. Our understandings of everyday media use are still shaped by theories developed before the internet, before digital and social and mobile media. This book highlights rather than discards these understandings, but moves forward in tackling dilemmas of technological transformations, and by considering recent crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic. I untangle how media becomes meaningful to us in the everyday, connecting us to each other and to communities and publics. The book offers empirical, methodological and theoretical insight on media use in digital everyday life. Why Everyday Life? ‘Everyday life’ is one of those concepts that everyone understands, but which is still difficult to define. The term is not internal jargon belonging to a particular research field, but instead recognizable across a range of contexts – we might even describe it as an ‘everyday’ term. One of the early ideas behind this book was to answer the questions: ‘But what do you mean by everyday life?’ and further ‘Why do you [meaning media use researchers] go on about everyday life?’. These are good questions. Let us start with the latter: Why everyday life? More precisely, why would someone interested in media use find it important to refer to everyday life for contextualization? In media and communication studies, interest in everyday life has a long history. The idea of everyday life has been central to approaches and research interests in cultural studies (Gray, 2002; Morley, 1992), media phenomenology (Pink & Leder Mackley, 2013; Scannell, 1995) or media ethnography (Hermes, 1995; Radway, 1984). The term has been particularly central to theories of domestication (Haddon, 2016; Silverstone et al., 2021) focused on processes of gradually integrating media technologies in the home. Roger Silverstone wrote a classic volume on Television and everyday life (Silverstone, 1994), arguing that in order to move past debates on television as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ and actually understand what it is, we have to consider television as embedded in tensions and dynamics of everyday life. Shaun Moores (2000) applied everyday life as a framework for understanding the historical development of broadcast media, and Maria Bakardjieva (2005) analyzed the domestication of computers and internet technologies in everyday life. Elizabeth Bird (2003) wrote The Audience in Everyday Life to argue for the relevance of ethnographic methods to understand our media-saturated reality, while Tim Markham (2017) wrote an introductory textbook titled Media and Everyday Life to present topics and thinkers in media studies through their relevance to daily life. All of the above are books on media with ‘everyday life’ in the title. Moreover, the term keeps popping up in journal articles on a variety of topics regarding media use: A comparative study of why people read print newspapers in the digital age refer to how different media are integrated into everyday life (Boczkowski et al., 2021), while a study of people who prefer online media at home find that digital alternatives are perceived to be better integrated into domestic everyday life (Müller, 2020). In analysis of how and why we follow news, the idea of the everyday provides a way of situating ordinary users at the centre of attention, by discussing everyday news use (Groot Kormelink & Costera Meijer, 2019) or everyday public connection (Swart et al., 2017). In debates about datafication and emergent technologies, the notion of the everyday is used to highlight human and social experiences with for instance self-tracking (Lomborg & Frandsen, 2016), smart homes (Hine, 2020) or algorithmic media (Willson, 2017). What do these different contributions have in common? They refer to everyday life to signal a position, because referencing ‘everyday life’ holds some empirical, methodological or theoretical implications. The term can be invoked to answer the ‘so what’-question: A compelling reason for why we need to study media at all is its relevance to everyday life (Silverstone, 1999). Today we can adapt this argument to why we need to study the smartphone – it is part of everyday life. Through such statements, we frame the smartphone as a technology and research topic that is recognizable and relevant to experiences and dilemmas each of us encounter. The smartphone has transformed society, but it has done so through our everyday interactions. Similarly: Why does it matter if people read international news or look at cat videos online, watch Netflix or Linear TV, listen to music on Spotify or prefer vinyl records? If you are interested in media business models or media policies, and find the choices users make a bit puzzling, you might need to look into motivations and contexts in everyday life to gain a deeper understanding of what goes on. Attention to everyday contexts can both complicate and enhance insights gained from other types of tracking and measurements of media use (Groot Kormelink & Costera Meijer, 2020). To understand new technologies, or connect critiques of these phenomena to people’s experiences, everyday life is an essential framework: It is easier to grasp the idea of ‘the Internet of Things’ (Bunz & Meikle, 2018) as having to do with whether your refrigerator needs internet connection, than through concepts such as machine learning or smart sensors. Sometimes the position signalled by referring to everyday life is explicitly normative. A key example is the debate on everyday experiences with datafication, or ‘the quantification of human life through digital information, very often for economic value’ (Mejias & Couldry, 2019). The idea of so-called ‘big data’ as more precise or valuable has been met with critical questions (Boyd & Crawford, 2012), and with concern for how audience engagement can be harvested and utilized for opaque purposes (Ytre-Arne & Das, 2020). In criticizing these developments, the notion of ‘everyday life’ is central to put the human experience of living in datafied conditions front and centre (Kennedy & Hill, 2018), or to focus on the people rather than systems (Livingstone, 2019). This interest further corresponds to feminist (D’Ignazio & Klein, 2020) and postcolonial critiques (Milan & Treré, 2019) of datafication and power. We can also signal analytical and methodological interests by referring to everyday life: The term is used to prioritize context over generalizability, and ordinary user perspectives and experiences over media professionals and institutions. This could imply attention to small acts of engagement in social media (Picone et al., 2019), and inclusion of seemingly mundane practices of media use (Hermes, 1995; Sandvik et al., 2016). An everyday life perspective is a backdrop for cross-media research (Lomborg & Mortensen, 2017; Schrøder, 2011) rather than pre-selecting which media to study based on the researchers’ preconceived notions of what matters. Qualitative researchers and ethnographers also draw on ‘everyday life’ as a term that points towards preferred methods: Talking to people about a day in the life (del Rio Carral, 2014), ‘capturing life as it is narrated’ (Kaun, 2010) with diary methods, and exploring experiences and reflections in informants’ own words. Some quantitative studies of media use also use the term (Hovden & Rosenlund, 2021) and research on everyday media repertoires can combine qualitative and quantitative approaches (Hasebrink & Hepp, 2017). I am also someone who often explain and position my key research interests through the notion of everyday life. A long-running interest in everyday life has informed my preference for qualitative and user-focused methods, in the studies I draw on in this book and in other projects. I have used the term ‘everyday life’ in the title of publications (Moe & Ytre-Arne, 2021; Ytre-Arne, 2012), and also explored how media use changes with biographical disruption to everyday routines (Ytre-Arne, 2019) or discussed audience agency in everyday encounters with digital and datafied media (Ytre-Arne & Das, 2020; Ytre-Arne & Moe, 2021a). For me, the everyday signals a perspective on why and how to study media use: it is important because it is part of daily life, it is interesting because everyday life is diverse and meaningful, and it is impossible to be done with because it changes constantly. I do not think there is any necessary contradiction between an everyday perspective versus a societal or political perspective on media use – instead, everyday life is where political dimensions of media are experienced, interpreted, and acted upon. This point runs as an undercurrent through the analyses of this book and is highlighted in the concluding chapter. What is Everyday Life? We have established that media are part of everyday life, and that research on media use is interested in everyday life. That is not to say that definitions everyday life abound in the literature referenced above, or in the field at large. Even classic contributions observe that commenting on the topic of everyday life might seem simplistic (e.g. Silverstone, 1994, p. 19). There is considerable variation in how precisely or extensively the concept is explained: Some works develop distinct philosophical understandings (e.g. Bakardijeva in Sandvik et al., 2016), or ground the term in substantial discussion of different theoretical positions (e.g. Cavalcante et al., 2017). Some authors define the term and how it connects to methodological and analytical frameworks in their studies). Others explain adjacent concepts to the everyday, such as the study mentioned above of why people still read print newspapers (Boczkowski et al., 2021), which draws on theories of ritualization, sociality and cultural contexts. Nevertheless, everyday life is theorized in disciplines from human geography (Holloway & Hubbard, 2001) to psychology (Schraube & Højholt, 2016). Some central philosophical contributions are Henri Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday Life (1947), which formulates a Marxist-inspired argument about the importance of this sphere of human conduct in the face of capitalism and technological change, and Michel De Certeau’s The Practice of Everyday Life (1984) which emphasizes the concept of potentially subversive tactics in people’s navigation through daily life. Another key work is The Structures of the Lifeworld (Schutz & Luckmann, 1973) which formulates Alfred Schutz’ theory of the lifeworld in which everyday life is enacted, including spatial, temporal and social dimensions, and how we move through ‘zones of operation’ where people and places beyond our immediate surroundings are yet within ‘restorable reach’ to us, through the familiarity or routines in the everyday which we take for granted (1973). This understanding has been particularly important to phenomenological and sociological studies of media and technologies in everyday life. Such philosophical works on everyday life are briefly to referenced in studies of everyday media use, a understanding that is more or less For (1984) to discuss the role of media in daily on and a growing as as philosophical interest in everyday life as a research that media are not used in from one or from personal an example of the of media use in dynamics at that media are an part of the way the everyday is p. and points that have been up in discussions of media (Hasebrink & Hepp, and of media use as mundane but yet meaningful in everyday (Hermes, 1995; Sandvik et al., 2016). In study of early internet use at Bakardjieva provides a theoretical discussion of how and Lefebvre’s theories relate to communication technologies, the idea of a critical phenomenology to understand users as as Roger work on everyday life also Schutz’ understanding of the and further of the in a discussion of whether this lifeworld is different in conditions of (Silverstone, Silverstone debates about order and in a world of societal and new communication with an that television is we have seemingly to take for as a technology and social and as part of our everyday lives. these Silverstone emphasizes the of routines and familiarity in in the of the world at and a sense of these are the of social order and everyday life. the and for as as through the and our lives take and within those and and we to go about our or for the most the and the that to our and (Silverstone, 1994, p. In this everyday and a sense of a concept to describe of and in people’s experience of the world and sense of central to how people position in the world and to life is also a key concept in more recent theory of digital communication as when we through digital media, and in have our continued in the world 2021). discussion how of or through digital media can to the of the these theories of everyday life, some key dimensions Everyday life has to do with the of space and people and through which we make and relate to the and our position in it I draw on these dimensions to further situate media use in everyday life, how we use media for navigation across social Media Use in Everyday Life To understand media use – applied as an term for all kinds of relationships and with media and communication technologies – we need to situate media use as part of everyday life, in people’s lifeworlds. on the ideas above, of familiarity and and of spatial, social and dimensions, we can different and positions for media. I am particularly interested in how we use media to orient ourselves as we move through our everyday lives, as part of what I navigation across social What does this Everyday media use is because we do not it from – we rely on that we are regarding media use as as other aspects of everyday up in the and not you have done before – instead of the same of and the same on your smartphone. other and and media use practices are particularly essential to the of everyday life by Silverstone, Markham and are also a central concept in media and communication psychology and central to studies to grasp user over or across We everyday in and around – including media Everyday life multiple social domains – such as work and life – that are meaningful to us and that we with and that also important contexts for how we use media. There are research that of media use in different social for instance focused on life such as or experiences such as (e.g. Das, & 2020). between life such as a or a are so significant because the social domains of our everyday lives change with these events. These social domains are essential to the we find in life, the conduct of everyday life an We with social domains in – including media use and A interest I in this book is how we use media across and social for what I refer to as Everyday media use navigation across multiple social domains because an ordinary day can an of and in which we different social with different people. Everyday life can be and with to at or or but whether we have plans for or go with the some of and navigation is both and We conduct such navigation in – including media use and Digital technologies have become to this navigation – and but also and to We have established that media are part of daily and that such routines are essential to everyday life We can also discuss if and how the social domains of everyday life are or and how these processes (Couldry & Hepp, 2017; Hepp, 2020). But my main interest in this book is how our navigation across the social domains of everyday life changes with digital media – how we use digital media to connect to different social orient ourselves to what goes on and across contexts. Media use is essential to the navigation of everyday life, and the role of media in this navigation holds for how we experience our lives as meaningful, for how we understand and situate ourselves in the How we conduct this navigation is changing with the and datafication of the media, particularly after the smartphone. Media Use in Everyday Life The theories of everyday life that are most central to media and communication studies from an of and the domestic sphere is the social that has the most dynamics and the of the home are central to analyses from discussion of who the to what when the people television also have and computers & 2016). we can as Silverstone could in classic that is a domestic It is at home. at home. at (Silverstone, 1994, p. and mobile and social media a of the established when living and for a question in internet studies of whether and how people would actually to make space for computers in their homes is more not just by and but also by and technologies. The home is still but our navigation with media and beyond the home has A broader point is that the proliferation of digital media has it more difficult to make about how to situate media in everyday life, while media might be more important than to how we across our daily lives. This also has for the analytical concepts and approaches we to study everyday media To analyze media in everyday life, it is to a particular or media and look for its and in everyday to into how the cultural role of television in people’s everyday lives. But to for the for variation in everyday media use, it is more relevant to start with people and how we live our lives, and how media matters. of the scholarship discussed in this chapter for the of less approaches to media studies – media might need to be in order to understand what it I will particularly draw on approaches to situate media use in everyday life through a user Media repertoires and public Media repertoires is a concept to the totality and meaningful between media a (Hasebrink & & Hepp, 2017). the essential insight that are a key of approaches is to focus less on experiences with The of or using and instead how these or different are to each other in the context of a everyday media media approaches which media users have a how prioritize between different and how people and the totality of their media Media research has from how to of repertoires towards growing interest in repertoires as and how are and change over & Schrøder, et al., 2021; et al., Ytre-Arne, 2019). connection is a concept that people’s to society, in a sense – how people connect to public life, or (Couldry et al., et al., 2017; Ytre-Arne & Moe, The of a public connection – as to a focus on whether people follow news or – is to more what people are interested and how follow those across but also beyond (Couldry et al., & Ytre-Arne, 2021). Media is important to public connection, but not the only means of societal and public connection can take and define public connection as ‘the shared of that to and in and political in everyday life’ (Swart et al., and that relevance and engagement are dimensions in how media becomes meaningful in everyday life. of these perspectives imply that there is answer to or why media in everyday life – it is and perspectives are up to analysis of the that have to everyday media In this book, I draw on media approaches to analyze everyday media use from the perspective of and on the public connection concept to discuss how people connect to society through everyday media A More Digital Everyday Life A different way of situating media in everyday life is to if one the other, and if which way

The background of the research is based on the rapid development of technological times, now digital technology has entered various aspects of life, including the world of education. Now digital learning media is one of the new innovations applied by MTs Pembangunan Jakarta in increasing student interest in learning. The purpose of this study was to determine the perception of the use of digital learning media in increasing student interest in learning at MTs Pembangunan Jakarta. The research method used is a qualitative research method with a descriptive approach. The research subjects consisted of the Principal, Deputy Principal of the Curriculum Section, Akidah Akhlak Teacher, 4 students of class VII MTs Pembangunan Jakarta. Data collection techniques through field observations, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis techniques are carried out by collecting data, reducing data, presenting data, and drawing conclusions. The results showed that the perception of the use of digital learning media at MTs Pembangunan Jakarta can increase students' interest in learning, this can be achieved through the relevance of the use of digital learning media running with the presence of competent teachers in teaching, by operating digital learning provides convenience and also the availability of complete infrastructure facilities, in addition to providing advantages and benefits, of course there are also disadvantages such as signal networks, and teachers who are stuttering in technology. Apart from the shortcomings in the use of digital media, digital learning can make students feel happy because teachers can design attractive teaching materials such as with E-Modules in the SmartMP application, learning with tablets and televisions makes students more focused and attentive to the teacher, involving students in learning such as making groups, discussions, making students more active in learning.

Pre-service teacher (PST) training in Germany largely fails to prepare prospective teachers adequately for the subject-specific use of digital media. In order to promote their digital competences as well as their intention to use digital media, teacher training needs to adapt. Utilizing Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), this study aims to identify beliefs on the subject-specific use of different digital media in biology classroom. Within a weekly course on different scientific inquiry methods, pre-service biology teachers used various digital media and wrote reflections on advantages and disadvantages of the digital media they used. Through analysis of these written reflections (n = 85) it was possible, to differentiate the TPB constructs into 38 subcategories. Across all media, we were able to identify most beliefs in the area of behavioral and control beliefs, while normative beliefs and self-efficacy expectations were rarely expressed. At the level of the inductive categories, however, the beliefs were often expressed with different frequencies depending on the medium used. The results allow a more subject-specific differentiation of TPB’s constructs for digital media use in order to design a measuring instrument to evaluate biology teacher training courses. In addition, the results indicate that PSTs’ intention to use digital media in the biology classroom also differs depending on the medium used. These findings provide actionable insights for the design of teacher training programs that specifically target beliefs, i.e. by confronting PSTs with a variety of different digital tools, to enhance the effective use of digital media in biology classrooms.

Compensatory internet use has been demonstrated to be a potential coping mechanism for stressors, which may lead to heavy digital media use. Little is known about what family-based factors may contribute to heavy digital media use among children and adolescents. This study used cross-sectional data from the 2021–2022 National Survey of Children’s Health to examine the prevalence of adverse and positive childhood experiences (ACEs and PCEs) and how these rates may vary by light, moderate, and heavy digital media use among children and adolescents in a nationally representative sample in the U.S (n = 52,256). Bivariate analyses were used to estimate prevalences and multivariable regression models were used to examine the relationship between ACEs, PCEs and heavy digital media use. Children who engaged in heavy digital media use were more likely to report each type of ACE than children who engaged in light digital media use (p < 0.0001). Alternatively, children who engaged in heavy digital media use were less likely to report each type of PCE than children who engaged in light digital media use (p < 0.0001). Children who had experienced four or more ACEs had a higher odds of heavy digital media use than children who had experienced less than four ACEs (aOR 1.67; 95% CI 1.43–1.95). The findings from this study are demonstrative for pediatricians that heavy digital media use may indicate a need to screen for ACEs. Programs and interventions that promote the creation of positive childhood experiences are further needed to address digital media usage concerns.

This study examines trends in adolescent health, well-being, risk behaviors, and digital media use among high school students in Finnmark, Arctic Norway. Using data from the Ungdata survey (2014-2023), trend analysis (N = 6,084 in Finnmark; N = 254,048 nationwide) revealed limited improvements in health indicators, with increases in digital media use, school-related stress, and depressive thoughts. Pairwise comparisons showed that Finnmark students had worse outcomes than the national average in most areas, except for substance use and antisocial behaviors. A deeper analysis of the 2021 Ungdata data among Finnmark students (N = 2,129), using PLS-SEM, identified peer interactions as a key driver of risk-taking behaviors, including substance use and rule-breaking. Family and school environments influenced rule-breaking but had limited effects on substance use. Digital media use was linked to drinking and rule-breaking behaviors, while experiences of bullying correlated with substance use and antisocial behaviors. Further investigation into digital and social media use (N = 2,086) revealed that digital media engagement was associated with family relationships, school connectedness, and local area satisfaction. In contrast, social media use was linked to peer dynamics, depression, and harassment. Excessive media use contributed to lower physical activity and reduced face-to-face interactions, exacerbating challenges related to geographic isolation and cultural diversity. The findings underline the need for public health interventions tailored to Finnmark's unique sociocultural context, emphasizing mental health support and addressing the role of digital and social media in adolescent development. Future studies should explore the behavioral dimensions of media use and incorporate ethnicity-related factors to gain a deeper understanding of these dynamics in the region.Key messages• Trend analysis shows limited health improvements among adolescents in Finnmark, with worse outcomes than the national average in most areas, highlighting the need to address regional disparities.• Internet use among adolescents in in Finnmark can improve social connections but is linked to increased risk-taking behaviors, substance use, and mental health issues like depression and bullying.

The associations between digital media use and mental well-being among children and adolescents have been inconclusive. We examined (i) the associations between digital media use and mental health outcomes, anxiety, depression, and ADHD, (ii) whether family resilience and neighborhood factors attenuate the associations, and (iii) whether sleep mediates these associations. We used the National Survey of Children’s Health data from 2019 to 2020. A total of 45,989 children’s (6–17 years) data were analyzed in this study. Multivariate logistic regression was used to assess the associations between digital media use and anxiety, depression, and ADHD. Path models and Paramed command in STATA were used to test the role of sleep as a mediator of these associations. The prevalence of heavy digital media users (who spent 4 or more hours per day) among the analytic sample was 30.52%, whereas anxiety was 13.81%, depression was 5.93%, and ADHD was 12.41%. Children in the heavy media user group had 63% increased odds of anxiety (95% CI: 1.32–2.01) and 99% increased odds of depression (95% CI: 1.35–2.94) after adjusting for sociodemographic factors, compared to the children in light media user group (who spent < 2 h per day), and these relations were significant at 0.01 level. However, family resilience and community factors significantly attenuated the effect of digital media use on anxiety and depression. Sleep did not mediate the associations between digital media use and anxiety or depression. Conclusions: Family resilience and neighborhood factors protect against the harmful effects of digital media use. Further research is needed to examine the relationships of media contents, the presence of electronic devices in bedrooms, and sleep quality with mental health.What is Known:• Spending long hours on digital media may adversely affect children and adolescents' health and development. However, the mediating role of sleep in the association between digital media use and mental health outcomes is inconclusive.What is New:• Digital media use has detrimental effects on anxiety and depression. However, family resilience and neighborhood factors attenuated the association. The study highlights the importance of positive family functioning and neighborhood conditions reducing the harmful effects of digital media use.

In Saudi Arabia, the rapid growth of digital media and smartphone use has raised concerns about problematic usage and its impacts on well-being, especially among young people. Research on stakeholder perspectives regarding intervention strategies remains limited. This study aimed to gather insights from societal stakeholders, including youth, parents, policymakers, industry leaders, clinicians, educators, and digital media users, to inform culturally tailored interventions for digital well-being in Saudi Arabia. A purposeful non-random sample of 92 participants representing different stakeholder groups was recruited to complete an online survey, answering questions about their experiences and perspectives on digital media use. Primary stakeholder group was assigned based on participant self-selection. We analyzed distributions of categorical variables related to media use time, reasons for use, impacts, self-regulation strategies, and perceived effectiveness of interventions (e.g., education programs, media campaigns, Internet use restrictions). Of the participants, 63.0% were male, and 46.7% were under 25years old. Regular digital media users, individuals with problematic Internet use, and clinicians/health professionals comprised 26.1%, 18.5%, and 18.5% of respondents, respectively. Extensive screen time was common, with 47.8% reporting four or more hours of recreational digital use on weekdays and 56.6% on weekends. Participants reported both positive impacts (e.g., social connections, school/work performance) and negative impacts (e.g., sleep disruption, reduced physical activity) of digital media use. Efforts to regulate media use were reported by 72.8%, with strategies like deleting apps or digital detoxes. At least 50.0% of participants endorsed all proposed intervention approaches as likely effective for improving digital well-being, with educational programs for parents, school programs, and regulatory apps receiving over 75.0% support. Children and adolescents were seen as key target groups for these interventions. Findings from this diverse stakeholder sample suggest that digital well-being interventions in Saudi Arabia should prioritize youth, focusing on education-based approaches and apps for media regulation. Incorporating these perspectives can lead to culturally relevant interventions addressing the unique challenges of digital media use in Saudi Arabia. The generalizability of the findings may be limited due to sample size and potential overrepresentation of certain stakeholder groups.