Well-Nestedness Properly Subsumes Strict Derivational Minimalism

Abstract

Abstract Minimalist grammars (MGs) constitute a mildly context-sensitive formalism when being equipped with a particular locality condition (LC), the shortest move condition. In this format MGs define the same class of derivable string languages as multiple context-free grammars (MCFGs). Adding another LC to MGs, the specifier island condition (SPIC), results in a proper subclass of derivable languages. It is rather straightforward to see this class is embedded within the class of languages derivable by some well-nested MCFG (MCFG wn ). In this paper we show that the embedding is even proper. We partially do so adapting the methods used in [13] to characterize the separation of MCFG wn -languages from MCFG-languages by means of a “simple copying” theorem. The separation of strict derivational minimalism from well-nested MCFGs is then characterized by means of a “simple reverse copying” theorem. Since for MGs, well-nestedness seems to be a rather ad hoc restriction, whereas for MCFGs, this holds regarding the SPIC, our result may suggest we are concerned here with a structural difference between MGs and MCFGs which cannot immediately be overcome in a non-stipulated manner.KeywordsDerivation TreeIsland ConditionTree TransducerCSLI PublicationProper SubclassThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.