Abstract

We investigated (1) how household wealth affected the relationship between conditional cash transfers (CCT) and unconditional cash transfers (UCT) and school attendance, (2) whether CCT and UCT affected educational outcomes (repeating a year of school), (3) if baseline school attendance and transfer conditions affected how much of the transfers participants spent on education and (4) if CCT or UCT reduced child labour in recipient households. Data were analysed from a cluster-randomized controlled trial of CCT and UCT in 4043 households from 2009 to 2010. Recipient households received $18 dollars per month plus $4 per child. CCT were conditioned on above 80% school attendance, a full vaccination record and a birth certificate. In the poorest quintile, the odds ratio of above 80% school attendance at follow-up for those with below 80% school attendance at baseline was 1.06 (p = .67) for UCT vs. CCT. UCT recipients reported spending slightly more (46.1% (45.4–46.7)) of the transfer on school expenses than did CCT recipients (44.8% (44.1–45.5)). Amongst those with baseline school attendance of below 80%, there was no statistically significant difference between CCT and UCT participants in the proportion of the transfer spent on school expenses (p = .63). Amongst those with above 80% baseline school attendance, CCT participants spent 3.5% less (p = .001) on school expenses than UCT participants. UCT participants were no less likely than those in the control group to repeat a grade of school. CCT participants had .69 (.60–.79) lower odds vs. control of repeating the previous school grade. Children in CCT recipient households spent an average of .31 fewer hours in paid work than those in the control group (p < .001) and children in the UCT arm spent an average of .15 fewer hours in paid work each week than those in the control arm (p = .06).

Highlights

  • Cash transfers (CT) have grown in popularity over the past 15 years as anti-poverty tools in developing countries

  • conditional cash transfer programmes (CCT) recipients in this quintile had a similar increase in attendance to other quintiles while those in the same quintile in the Unconditional cash transfers (UCT) arm saw no significant change in attendance compared to the control arm

  • We found that conditions did not penalise the poorest recipients, with CCTs and UCTs having similar impacts amongst the poorest quintile

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Summary

Introduction

Cash transfers (CT) have grown in popularity over the past 15 years as anti-poverty tools in developing countries. Their use in boosting school attendance has been promoted in Latin America and, increasingly, in sub-Saharan Africa. There is strong evidence from Latin America that CT can increase school attendance. One of the developing world’s largest conditional cash transfer programmes (CCT), Nicaragua’s Red de Protección Social, increased school enrolment by 13 percentage points (Maluccio et al, 2005). A study of a UCT in Zambia found school attendance increased by 3% points and the percentage of hungry households dropped from 56 to 35% (MCDSS/GTZ, 2006)

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