Abstract

AbstractThe term “weak state” is a contentious one. It is generally used to define a state that is weak in its core functions of providing security to its citizens (security gap), providing basic services to its citizens (capacity gap), and having legitimacy among its people (legitimacy gap). Though used after the Cold War, the idea of weak states became salient post 2001, after the 9/11 attacks in the United States. Since, several governments and international organizations dominated by bureaucrats and experts from a handful of countries have involved themselves in the task of recognizing states that are weak or failing. From 1992 to today, over 40 quantitative indexes have been generated to measure state failure/fragility (Woodward 2008). The immediacy of recognizing and intervening in weak or failed states comes from the apparent, though undertested, link between state weakness and terrorism. Weak states have come to be considered a security threat because they are seen as more susceptible to organized crime, privatized violence, arms proliferation, the spread of infectious diseases, environmental degradation, and civil war. Within a globalized world, such states are considered a threat to all nations, having spillover effects, especially on stable states. Weak states have low or stagnant economic growth and weak governing institutions that are unable to implement policies or maintain autonomy due to corruption or conflict. Weak states are distinguished from failed states by degree. Failed states are said to be nonfunctional and characterized by a complete lack of legitimacy of the government. For example, Somalia consistently topped the list of failed state indexes on the grounds of having an illegitimate government, civil war, and lack of economic or personal security. The term “rogue state” can also be distinguished from “weak state.” Rogue states, in contrast to weak ones, can have strong governance institutions, but are said to disregard international law and violate international treaties.

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