Abstract
This paper highlights some central aspects of negative polarity and negative concord in Greek (Gr). The principal goal is to attempt a solution to the so-called diversity problem,i.e. to the fact not all polarity items are licensed in the same environments, by motivating, on both syntactic and semantic grounds, a distinction between strong and weak polarity licensing. The proposal builds on a conjecture expressed in Ladusaw (1992, 1994) that there might be two mechanisms involved in the licensing of negative polarity items (NPIs) and negative indefinites. I will show that in Gr strong and weak licensing are explicitly marked at s-structure by means of emphatic stress. It will be suggested that the analysis presented here can prove helpful in accounting for the diverse distribution of NPIs in languages other than Gr.
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