Abstract

The etymology of mouseion gave rise to the word ‘museum’ and initially referred to the temple of the Muses. It is noteworthy to recall that the first museum was the Alexandria Museum, set up by Ptolemy in 300 B.C., as a temple, a library, an astronomical observatory, an amphitheatre, a botanical garden and a research venue (Anico 105). The outset of museums can be found later on in private collections, which continued until mid-18th century. Additionally, with the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, museums started being regarded as an ally to combat myths, dogmata and superstitions and thus ‘Curiosity Cabinets’ were gradually replaced by the first public museums, such as the Galleria degli Uffizi (1571), in Florence, the British Museum (1753), in London, and the Louvre Museum (1793), in Paris. Simpson (126–127) considers these new cultural spaces as a means for European powers to re-write their history and exhibit their past deeds, as well as a way to show off the heritage they unlawfully gathered in their colonial periods, in line with the 1851 Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of all Nations, in London. Taking these assumptions into account, we aim at describing the birth of the first British public museums and the resources they wished to make available to their visitors (e.g. admission fees, facilities, lighting and guides), so as to reflect on the underlying concept of access to culture in Victorian mindset. Was culture a commodity then? In line with Kelly (Culture as Commodity), cultural products and services may have symbolic or even status-symbolic dimensions and this understanding leads us to a further question related to the target audiences of Victorian museums: Were they supposed to be accessible to everyone? Or were they merely for “the initiated” vs. “the primitive” (Chu)?

Highlights

  • INTRODUCTIONWe start off from the idea of culture as a commodity, which has been thoroughly discussed

  • By numerous authors, as Kelly argues: Levy (1959); Hirschman (1980); Engel et al (1978); Csikzentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981); Rook (1984); or McCracken (1986), to name just a few. This is to say that products and services may have symbolic and status-symbolic dimensions, since they reflect, in some way, social stratification: “the status symbols evolve because they connote a meaningful use of leisure or ‘reveal taste’, not necessarily wealth” (Kelly, Culture as commodity 347)

  • One must not forget that these concepts are ideologically intertwined with Marx’s thought, along with many others who followed him (e.g. Weber, Durkheim, Merton and Parsons), and, in the last quarter of the 20th century, Pierre Bourdieu’s proposal for economic, social, cultural and symbolic capitals

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

We start off from the idea of culture as a commodity, which has been thoroughly discussed. This knowledge is what Kelly (The Socio-Symbolic Role of Museums) names the “language of the curator” and Bourdieu (Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste) the “code” As a result, this growing awareness led to the birth of accessibility concerns, namely through interpretative labels placed besides museum objects and, later in the 20th century, by means of education services (i.e. learning centres), guided visits, hands-on workshops, extended hours and various technological gadgets. Henry Cole founded Cole’s Museum, in London, “filled with contemporary consumer goods that he and a select committee had deemed to be ‘in good taste’” (Chu 98), to which he later added historical objects coming from the decorative arts In this museum, Cole included an education museum for children, a patent museum, a building museum and a food museum, where objects would be given special attention to enable visitors’ intellectual access, since their labels would contain names and dates, and other levels of information. “Victorian positivism and Darwinism represent a response of control and order to the spectre of chaos” (Black 15), a means to hold off the

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