Abstract
Abstract. This article analyses the wh‐scope‐marking construction in Warlpiri. The literature on wh‐scope‐marking constructions in other languages debates the relative merits of two types of analyses—the direct‐dependency account, which posits covert movement of an embedded wh‐phrase to replace a matrix expletive, and the indirect‐dependency account, which treats the embedded question as the restriction of a matrix wh‐phrase. I argue that an explanation of the Warlpiri data can only be achieved through a variant of the indirect‐dependency approach.
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