Vowel characteristics of Black speakers' English in Southern Louisiana

Abstract

Although variation in English has been documented in Louisiana, little sociophonetic research has been conducted with Black Louisianans. In this study, acoustic characteristics of eleven vowels were examined in three groups of Black Louisianans (residents of New Orleans, New Iberia, and relocators from New Orleans to New Iberia after Hurricane Katrina) and a group of White New Iberians, five middle-aged participants per group. 240 productions of each vowel were elicited in a word-reading task. Vowel duration and formant measurements at 20%, 50%, and 80% into the vowel were examined in mixed model regression analyses. Results showed that Black speakers did not participate in /u, o/ fronting associated with White speech. All of them exhibited the African American Vowel Shift (except for the /I/ vowel): their /a/ was fronted and lowered, /æ/ was fronted and raised, and /ε/ was raised. Some variation in vowel production existed among Black speaker groups as well; for example, New Orleanians had in-gliding /i, u/ and less diphthongized /o/ as compared to New Iberians. The non-homogeneity of Black speech and maintenance of phonetic variants of the native community by relocators is discussed in the context of the U.S. South.