Abstract
Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined ‘power of general competence’ and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.
Highlights
Every three years New Zealanders participate in local government elections for 78 local authorities
An English local authority, for example, is dependent on grants of various kinds from central government for in excess of 80% of its income; by contrast, a New Zealand local body will raise over 85% of its income locally through property taxes – both general and targeted ‘rates’ (Department of Internal Affairs 2015)
If we accept that the concept of first- and second-order elections advanced by Reif and Schmitt (1980) is a valid one, it seems logical that the rational choice theory and its corollary concern of political efficacy (Franklin 2004; Vowles 2010), will heavily influence local government election turnouts
Summary
Every three years New Zealanders participate in local government elections for 78 local authorities. Rational choice theory (Riker and Ordeshook 1968) suggests that elections must matter in order for voters to participate It focuses on the costs of participation, generally established by institutional features in the country or region; the perceived benefits, generally arising from the political context and the state of electoral party competition; and the probability of one’s vote making a difference. If we accept that the concept of first- and second-order elections advanced by Reif and Schmitt (1980) is a valid one, it seems logical that the rational choice theory and its corollary concern of political efficacy (Franklin 2004; Vowles 2010), will heavily influence local government election turnouts.
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