Abstract
Purpose: Gender-diverse individuals in India face considerable discrimination, stigma, and violence. There is a dearth of published literature describing experiences of violence among this population and potential links to mental health.Methods: A questionnaire was administered to 282 study participants, 18 years of age and older, who self-identified as hijra, kothi, double decker, or bisexual and were actively enrolled in a local HIV prevention program in Bangalore, India in 2012. Responses were used to calculate a composite depression/anxiety score. Associations between sociodemographic characteristics and experiences of physical and sexual violence in the previous six months were tested and differences in depression/anxiety score based on experiences of violence were explored.Results: Recent physical violence was common among study participants and was reported among 46% of nirvan (emasculated) hijras (transgender), 42% of akwa (not emasculated) hijras, and 25% of kothis (feminine acting males). Rape in the previous year was particularly common among akwa hijras (39%). Factors associated with being raped included younger age, less education, and employment in basti (blessings), sex work, chela (disciple of hijra guru), or at a community-based organization. Kothis had the highest depression/anxiety score. No significant difference in depression/anxiety score based on recent history of physical violence or rape was found.Conclusions: Physical violence and poor mental health are common among gender-diverse individuals in Bangalore, Karnataka. There is a need for services that cater to the unique mental health needs of gender-diverse individuals in India, following rights-based approaches that address the underlying roots of oppression they encounter.
Highlights
Asia, including hijras and kothis, who are highly marginalized in Indian society.[1,2,3] In 2011, it was estimated that 488,000 of the 1.25 billion residents of India were transgender,[4] likely an underestimate.Hijras, who have been described by some scholars as a ‘‘third gender’’,5 are usually born as males or intersex and may identify as transgender, women, ‘‘in-between men and women,’’ or ‘‘neither man nor woman.’’6 Hijras publicly wear female attire, behave in a feminine way, and may engage in distinctive behaviors such as clapping when seeking attention, begging at traffic a Laura H
Characteristics of study participants Of the 282 participants, 38.3% self-identified as hijra (27.3% nirvan and 11.0% akwa) and 48.6% selfidentified as kothi (Table 1)
Half of nirvan and akwa hijra study participants and a quarter of all kothi study participants had experienced physical violence in the previous 6 months, and this was associated with younger age and working as a laborer or transport worker or working in basti, sex work, chelas, or at a community-based organization (CBO)
Summary
Asia, including hijras and kothis, who are highly marginalized in Indian society.[1,2,3] In 2011, it was estimated that 488,000 of the 1.25 billion residents of India were transgender,[4] likely an underestimate.Hijras, who have been described by some scholars as a ‘‘third gender’’,5 are usually born as males or intersex and may identify as transgender, women, ‘‘in-between men and women,’’ or ‘‘neither man nor woman.’’6 Hijras publicly wear female attire, behave in a feminine way, and may engage in distinctive behaviors such as clapping when seeking attention, begging at traffic a Laura H. Asia, including hijras and kothis, who are highly marginalized in Indian society.[1,2,3] In 2011, it was estimated that 488,000 of the 1.25 billion residents of India were transgender,[4] likely an underestimate. Senior members of the hijra community may be referred to as ‘‘gurus’’ and may have one or more followers or disciples. These disciples, referred to as ‘‘chelas’’, may claim either a hijra or a kothi identity and serve the guru, providing a share of their earnings.[6] Anyone who wishes to join the hijra community is required to choose a senior member of the community to act as their guru
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