Abstract

BackgroundViolence by mothers-in-law, as well as husbands, is a recognised problem in many countries. It has been given little attention in research on violence and its importance as a health problem, and aggravator of husband violence, has not been well established. Our aim was to describe patterns and the frequency of mother-in-law and sibling-in-law/sibling physical violence in relation to physical violence from husbands, and to describe risk characteristics and associated health behaviours of women with different abuse exposures.Methods1,463 women aged 18–48 were recruited into a randomised controlled trial (RCT) to evaluate a women empowerment intervention in 6 villages of Kabul and Nangarhar provinces. The women were interviewed at baseline. The analysis uses bi-variable and multivariable logistic regression.Results932 of the women were currently married. Of these, 14% of women experienced mother-in-law physical violence and 23.2% of women experienced physical spousal violence in the previous 12 months. For 7.0% of women, these exposures were combined. Physical violence was associated with food insecurity and having to borrow for food, being in a polygamous marriage, living with their mother-in-law, as well as province of residence (higher in Nangarhar). Women who had earnings were relatively protected. Whilst most mothers-in-law were described in positive terms, those who used physical violence were much less likely to be described so and a quarter were described as very strict and controlling and 16.8% as cruel. Overall slightly more women described their husband in positive terms than their mother-in-law, but there was a very strong correlation between the way in which husbands were perceived and the violence of their mothers.Women’s mental health (depression, suicidal thoughts and PTSD symptoms score), self-rated general health, disability and beating of their children were all strongly associated with intimate partner violence (IPV) exposure. The strength of the association was much greater for all of these problems if the IPV was combined with physical violence from a mother-in-law or sibling-in-law/sibling. Experienced alone, violence from the mother-in-law or a sibling-in-law/sibling was associated with an elevated risk of all of these problems except depression.InterpretationMother-in-law and sibling-in-law/sibling physical violence is an appreciable problem among the women studied in Afghanistan, linked to poverty. It has a major impact on women’s health, componding the heath impact of IPV. In this setting conceptualising women’s risk and exposure to violence at home as only in terms of IPV is inadequate and the framing of domestic violence much more appropriately captures women’s risks and exposures. We suggest that it may be fruitful for many women to target violence prevention at the domestic unit rather than just at women and their husbands.

Highlights

  • Violence against women is recognised as a major impairment to health and social development and it is primarily conceptualised as that perpetrated against a women by a current or ex-husband or boyfriend

  • Mother-in-law and sibling-in-law/sibling physical violence is an appreciable problem among the women studied in Afghanistan, linked to poverty

  • This formulation realistically captures women’s primary risk in many global regions, but it does not necessarily do so as well in settings where after marriage women often move into their husband’s parent’s home or set up home with their mother in law. This is a common pattern in many geographical settings, especially those in areas where there is ‘classic patriarchy’ [1], which Kandiyoti described as encompassing North Africa, the Muslim Middle East, and South and East Asia it includes less well documented areas such as Muslim Central Asia, e.g. Tajikistan and Afghanistan

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Summary

Introduction

Violence against women is recognised as a major impairment to health and social development and it is primarily conceptualised as that perpetrated against a women by a current or ex-husband or boyfriend This formulation realistically captures women’s primary risk in many global regions, but it does not necessarily do so as well in settings where after marriage women often move into their husband’s parent’s home or set up home with their mother in law. This is a common pattern in many geographical settings, especially those in areas where there is ‘classic patriarchy’ [1], which Kandiyoti described as encompassing North Africa, the Muslim Middle East, and South and East Asia (especially India and China) it includes less well documented areas such as Muslim Central Asia, e.g. Tajikistan and Afghanistan. Our aim was to describe patterns and the frequency of mother-in-law and sibling-in-law/sibling physical violence in relation to physical violence from husbands, and to describe risk characteristics and associated health behaviours of women with different abuse exposures.

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