Verb-Second as vP-First

Abstract

In this article, I argue for a remnant movement approach to German V/2 constructions that does not employ head movement at any step of the derivation: the pre-V/2 (topic) position and the V/2 position collapse into a single fronted remnant vP. The central theoretical innovation is a constraint on the movement of phases: the Edge Domain Pied Piping Condition (EPC) permits vP movement only if vP is reduced to its edge domain. The analysis is supported by the observation that items which are obligatory vP edges always show up in the pre-V/2 position in V/2 clauses (wh-phrases, expletives) and that items which are impossible vP edges never show up in the pre-V/2 position (weak object pronouns, certain object CPs). Furthermore, the new approach is shown to account for other conspicuous properties of German V/2 constructions (concerning the internal islandhood and external distribution of V/2 clauses) and to be compatible with evidence involving constituency tests, mismatches between verb-final and V/2 clauses, and (apparently) complex prefields. The article concludes with remarks on how the analysis can be extended to other Germanic V/2 languages and V/1 and V/3 constructions and how the EPC can be derived from a more general identification requirement for phases.