Abstract

In the absence of a stranded auxiliary or modal, VP-topicalization in most Germanic languages gives rise to the presence of a dummy verb meaning ‘do’. Cross-linguistically, this is a rather uncommon strategy as comparable VP-fronting constructions in other languages, e.g. Hebrew, Polish, and Portuguese, among many others, exhibit verb doubling. A comparison of several recent approaches to verb doubling in VP-fronting reveals that it is the consequence of VP-evacuating head movement of the verb to some higher functional head, which saves the (low copy of the) verb from undergoing copy deletion as part of the low VP copy in the VP-topicalization dependency. Given that almost all Germanic languages have such V-salvaging head movement, namely V-to-C movement, but do not show verb doubling, this paper suggests that V-raising is exceptionally impossible in VP-topicalization clauses and addresses the question of why it is blocked. After discussing and rejecting some conceivable explanations for the lack of verb doubling, I propose that the blocking effect arises from a bleeding interaction between V-to-C movement and VP-to-SpecCP movement. As both operations are triggered by the same head, i.e. C, the VP is always encountered first by a downward search algorithm. Movement of VP then freezes it and its lower copies for subextraction precluding subsequent V-raising. Crucially, this implies that there is no V-to-T raising in most Germanic languages. V2 languages with V-to-T raising, e.g. Yiddish, are correctly predicted to not exhibit the blocking effect.

Highlights

  • In a number of languages it is possible to displace the verb phrase, understood to be the verb and any associated direct or indirect objects, into the left periphery of the clause

  • A comparison of several recent approaches to verb doubling in vP phase (VP)-fronting reveals that it is the consequence of VP-evacuating head movement of the verb to some higher functional head, which saves the verb from undergoing copy deletion as part of the low VP copy in the VP-topicalization dependency

  • Given that almost all Germanic languages have such V-salvaging head movement, namely V-to-C movement, but do not show verb doubling, this paper suggests that V-raising is exceptionally impossible in VP-topicalization clauses and addresses the question of why it is blocked

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Summary

Introduction

In a number of languages it is possible to displace the verb phrase, understood to be the verb and any associated direct or indirect objects, into the left periphery of the clause. When VPtopicalization occurs in the absence of an auxiliary or modal, instead of a gap or a verb copy there is a dummy verb usually translatable as do This is shown for German, Dutch, Norwegian, Danish, Swedish, and English VP-topicalization in (2a–f). I argue that the Germanic peculiarity follows from the fact that verb movement targets C in most Germanic languages, while it targets a lower T/Asp head in most of the languages exhibiting verb doubling. The triggers for both VP-movement and V-movement are located on the same head This peculiarity of Germanic languages coupled with some general properties of probing and movement, I argue, leads to VP-topicalization bleeding V-to-C movement and to a lack of verb doubling.

Background on verb doubling
The lack of verb doubling in Germanic
An intriguingly parallel pattern
Short digression: the locus of head movement in grammar
The dummy verb is not independently present
V-to-C movement takes place
VP-topicalization is A-movement
VP-topicalization is not left dislocation
V-to-C movement is not bled by spell-out of VP
An explanation based on head-height
The role of height of head movement
Probing and lower copy freezing
Verb doubling in Polish VP-topicalization
Lack of verb doubling in German VP-topicalization
Interim summary and discussion
Consequences and predictions
English VP-topicalization
Yiddish VP-topicalization
Afrikaans VP-topicalization
Non-Germanic dummy verb insertion
Embedded clauses
Group 1: no complementizer-introduced embedded V2
Findings
Groups 2 and 3: complementizer-introduced V2
Full Text
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