Variability in the use of perfect have in Trinidadian English: A problem of categorial and semantic mismatch

Abstract

ABSTRACTSociolinguistic situations that involve interplay between standard and nonstandard varieties have posed certain difficulties for the analysis of variation at the morphosyntactic level (Harris, 1984; Milroy, 1987). In particular, there is the problem of defining the scope and relevant contexts of morphosyntactic variables—a problem closely linked to that of identifying the semantic equivalence in terms of which the variable is defined (Cheshire, 1982; Romaine, 1984). This article addresses such issues by examining variation in the use of perfect have and its alternatives in the Trinidadian creole continuum. The alternatives to have include other Standard English (SE) forms (e.g., the past), as well as forms like perfective Ø, completive done, and others which function in the Trinidadian Creole (TC) system. The analysis is based on data from a sample of speakers from different social backgrounds. The variation described here is part of a wider pattern involving different strategies for expressing the various meanings associated with the perfect in SE, namely, the “continuative,” “experiential,” and “resulative” interpretations of have. TC employs different strategies for expressing these meanings. Perfective Ø is used (along with apporopriate adverbial specifications) to convey the experiential meaning; progressive -in, Ø copula, or Ø-marked statives convey the continuative sense; and completive done competes with prefective Ø to convey the resultative sense. All of these may vary with have. I discuss at length the procedures that are used to define the variable and the equivalents of have that are identified. A quantitative analysis reveals clear patterns of variation according to class, subcategory of perfect, and predicate type. The differences in the use of have are explained in terms of varying degrees of influences from vernacular norms among the social groups, as well as the availability of alternative choices to have within the pragmatic and grammatical environments. Finally, I indicate the implications of this investigation for the study of morphosyntactic variation in other divergent dialect situations. Specifically, the findings are relevant to situations, such as AAVE, which involve variation between standard and nonstandard strategies for expressing the meanings associated with the perfect and other morophosyntactic categories.