Abstract

In this paper, the author addresses spatial injustices in Tunisia, and seeks to which extent social and territorial inequalities could hamper democracy. Many urban disparities and social anomies such as informal sector, terrorism, unemployment, and usustainable development process threaten the vulnerable democracy transition in Tunisia. The author described and analyzed urban planning process since independency to noawadays. He analyzed the successive economic development policy makings undertook by a mono-party Nation-State. The top down development policies implemented until nowadays entailed a big gap between coastal areas and inland. The former benefitted of its site across the sea shores and proximity to Tunis and former regime. Many factors fostered export industries and tourism activities. The latters were left behind due to their lack of resources and urban planning policy dominated by neo liberal capitalist development in favor of Tunis urban primacy and the littoral where concentrated most foreign and local investments. Urban disparities and inequalities in Tunisia join in a networked society where local and global actors play a key role in economic, social, and urban development process in Tunisia. Tunisian society is a subsystem within a global system (Wallerstein2012), and what is happening is not conjonctural, but it is due to global social movements (Sassen 2007 ; Castells 2012 ; Braudel, 1992 ; Amin, 2003). Terrorism, pollution, inequalities are not per se, but are the negative results of a a myriad of factors: economic, politics, cultural, emotional, aesthetics, social and urban morphologies. Many economic, social, and political actors intervened and interconnected in public and private arenas and triggered those anomies. Fair urban policies are expected to be achieved through a multilevel governance in order to implement the revolution objectives in Tunisia. Otherwise, a representative democracy only, won't fulfil the well-being expected by large Tunisian people. Sustainable urban governance requires a multi-scalar bottom-up and top-down policy-making. In Tunisia, after democratic transition success, the state should be revamped, and compensate its deficit. A sustainable urban planning implies a holistic policy framework involving private and public sectors, and civil society actors locally, regionally, and globally.

Highlights

  • After the successful elections (October, 26, 2014) Tunisia will be faced with a dilemma : how democratic process transition undertook by the quartet (UGTT, UTICA, OAT, and LTDH)[1] and civil society actors could be twinned with a sustainable urban development ? many factors (e.g., Terrorism, inequalities, and corruption), could undermine democratic process if we share some scholars theses that « inequalities undermine democracy » (Fraser 2007, Fainstain 2010, to cite but a few)

  • Since after the technocratic interim government Mehdi Jomaa decision to begin deepwater port and mega economic projects in Enfidha in North East of Tunisia, civil Society associations in Sfax gathered in front of municipalty headquarter to claim the implementation of the planned megaproject Taparura7and urban development of Sfax

  • School enrolment and success rates vary through regions and delegations. This soaring unemployment rate is an obvious indicator of the critical financial situation of the country.As we demonstrated in our recent reseach on territorial inequalities in Tunisia (Mahmoud 2014), Nation-State failed to ensure a fair urban planning

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

After the successful elections (October, 26, 2014) Tunisia will be faced with a dilemma : how democratic process transition undertook by the quartet (UGTT, UTICA, OAT, and LTDH)[1] and civil society actors could be twinned with a sustainable urban development ? many factors (e.g., Terrorism, inequalities, and corruption), could undermine democratic process if we share some scholars theses that « inequalities undermine democracy » (Fraser 2007, Fainstain 2010, to cite but a few). Since after the technocratic interim government Mehdi Jomaa decision to begin deepwater port and mega economic projects in Enfidha in North East of Tunisia, civil Society associations in Sfax gathered in front of municipalty headquarter to claim the implementation of the planned megaproject Taparura7and urban development of Sfax It is not, in our opinion a regionalism, but a competing between two main strategic cities (i.e., Sousse and Sfax) in the global urban development in the country, which is still in favor of north east coastal areas. School enrolment and success rates vary through regions and delegations This soaring unemployment rate is an obvious indicator of the critical financial situation of the country.As we demonstrated in our recent reseach on territorial inequalities in Tunisia (Mahmoud 2014), Nation-State failed to ensure a fair urban planning.

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