Abstract
T HERE IS much evidence to support the contention that discrimination against the blacks in the Union of South Africa is more far-reaching, more cynical, than in any other self-governing country in the modern world. The Negro in America is at least by law considered a citizen, whose rights are identical with those of any other citizen. The disparity between theory and practice is regarded by men of good will as a blot upon America's honor, so that constant pressure is exerted to abolish discrimination. That goal is far from being achieved, but candor compels the admission that the status of the Negro has, for all its present limitations, enormously improved in the past quartercentury. In South Africa, on the other hand, the Native (as he is called) is not a citizen. There is no statement in any official document that he is the equal of the white man, nor any pretense that he has equal rights with whites. He and his fellows constitute a group apart, with special legislation to govern every aspect of their life. With minor exceptions, the Native may not vote, own land, bear arms in defense of his country, enter an occupation of his choice, live where he pleases, nor leave the Union. Discrimination against him is one of the cardinal principles of South African politics and economics. No one of the Four Freedoms, except freedom of
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