Abstract
Nineteen eighty-five was twentieth year in office for President Ferdinand Marcos. The last thirteen years of his rule have been authoritarian. His tenure in office has been marked by new levels of repression, corruption, and economic mis management. The Philippines, now in midst of a serious economic crisis, has just rescheduled some US$5.9 billion of its estimated US$24.7 billion in foreign debts, and moratorium on repayment of principal for that debt (prior to rescheduling) exceeded two years in length. Politically, May 1984 elections reflected unpopularity of Marcos. Even with massive fraud, vote-buying, and intimidation on part of Marcos administration, his KBL (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan or New Society Movement) Party was barely able to beat a disorganized and repressed opposition.1 Difficult as it may be for outsiders to believe, 1986 presidential elections exceeded 1984 parliamentary elections in level of fraud and bloodshed. And, once again, even with seemingly unprecedented levels of fraud Marcos was able to barely beat Mrs Aquino and only by having vote counted by national Parliament where he holds a comfortable majority. Today, streets of Manila are rife with rumours of President Marcos's failing health, behind-the-scenes struggle to gain an advantageous position in any crisis of succession, and increasing possibility of a military coup. The February 1986 election which both Marcos and U.S. government thought would give him a new mandate and a vice-president to solve transition question was a fiasco. Not only is a Marcos government based on a stolen election clearly illegitimate in minds of most Filipinos, but no one expects transition to a post-Marcos government to follow constitutional prescriptions. The United States has an important stake in what happens in Philippines, yet its foreign policy seems confused and unsure of what goals to pursue. It has been only in last couple of years, and especially since assassin ation of former senator Benigno Aquino, Jr., on 21 August 1983, that United States has become somewhat more critical of Marcos. During this period, United States urged a thorough and impartial investigation of Aquino assassin ation and a return to democracy which would give moderate opposition a stake * in peaceful change and stability.2 In late June 1983, U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz stopped in Manila as part of a four-nation Asian trip and senior American officials travelling with Mr Shultz, were reported to have said that the Reagan Administration was seeking to open lines of communication to Filipino opposition groups that might 18
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