Understanding long-term livelihood resilience of resettled ethnic groups in the Yali Falls Dam basin, Central Highlands of Vietnam

Abstract

Studies on development-induced displacement and resettlement (DIDR) across the world have revealed a range of negative outcomes for resettlers’ livelihoods. DIDR studies have faced conceptual challenges and limited understanding of the post resettlement and livelihood reconstruction process. Previous studies have tended to overlook the full range of impacts that resettlement projects have on the ability of displaced persons to maintain their livelihoods and have tended to focus on short-term livelihood strategies rather than improve future livelihoods. In addition, the key DIDR frameworks fail to understand the complexities inherent in the resettlement process which is often contextualised in different economic, political, social and cultural settings (De Wet, 2006). This research seeks to understand the livelihood reconstruction processes for four ethnic groups including Kinh group (ethnic Vietnamese) and three other minority groups (Bahnar, Jarai and Ro Ngao groups) who were directly affected by the construction of the Yali Falls Dam in the Central Highlands of Vietnam from the late 1990s. In doing so, this research proposes an adapted framework for understanding, monitoring and enhancing livelihood resilience of resettled people in Vietnam. This research is addressed through three major research questions: 1. How has the Yali Falls Dam resettlement project affected the resettled ethnic groups’ livelihoods? 2. How and why do the subsequent livelihood strategies and outcomes differ among the ethnic groups? and 3. What key modifications to the existing DIDR frameworks could be made to improve resettlement program planning and implementation? This research employed both quantitative and qualitative methods to answer these research questions and gain insights into the resettlement complex. Methods included structured household interviews with 397 resettled households from the four ethnic groups, and in-depth interviews with 19 key informants from the local authorities in the district and communes, as well as with resettled people. In addition, participant observations and photos were also taken to complement the data and analysis. The research reveals the following key findings. First, impacts of the Yali Falls resettlement project were unevenly distributed among the four resettled ethnic groups. The three ethnic minority groups, who had traditionally led predominantly subsistence lifestyles have suffered high rates of poverty, food insecurity and debt. However, the Kinh group have been able to recover and develop their livelihoods after the resettlement. Second, a range of formal and informal coping livelihood strategies have emerged and been applied by the different ethnic groups. The ethnic minority groups (Bahnar, Jarai and Ro Ngao) have tended to apply more informal and unsustainable coping strategies, while the Kinh group have improved their livelihoods with the majority of households employing development strategies. The differentiation in livelihood strategies is driven by several key factors including land rights and land holding changes, social differentiation and social networks involved in the resettlement process. Third, examination of the resettlement process and its outcomes through the lenses of the DIDR frameworks and the sustainable livelihoods framework reveals several strengths and weaknesses of the existing frameworks which are explored. This study found that the four stage framework (Scudder and Colson, 1982) does not hold true for Vietnam’s resettlement projects. The risk and livelihoods reconstruction framework (IRR) (Cernea, 1997) showed its strengths in predicting impoverishment risk outcomes of the Yali resettlement project and other projects in Vietnam. However, it has limitations in terms of providing an understanding of the process for and driving factors behind livelihood strategies. The case of Yali also provided additional risks such as power inequities among the resettled people, financial risk and education disruption which are missing in the IRR framework. This research also found the routine and dissonant culture framework (Downing and Garcia-Downing, 2009) is illustrative in explaining the religious conversion of the Jarai group from an animist group into Catholic, Buddhist, and Protestant religions. This research makes several key contributions to the DIDR and livelihoods research fields. It has shown how to apply an adapted livelihood framework with a focus on livelihood capitals to understand the impacts of a resettlement project. It has revealed several driving factors involved in the complexities of the resettlement process which are embedded in historical and social settings. This research has also proposed an adapted framework for understanding, monitoring and enhancing livelihood resilience of the resettled people in Vietnam based on the data and an understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the key DIDR frameworks. The adapted framework with a focus on livelihood capitals, consideration of social differentiation and usage of a process-based approach not only provides a comprehensive understanding of the resettlement process but also suggests interventions to improve the resettled people’s livelihood resilience in the long-term.