Abstract
This paper has two main goals: to argue that crosslinguistically there are two major types of numeral-noun constructions, one in which a projection of the numeral occupies a specifier position and one in which the numeral heads a recursive nominal structure; and to show that the choice between these two structures is partially constrained by the presence of number features and case. It is shown that numerals bearing nominal number morphology display a cluster of properties that often distinguishes them from other numerals in the same language; I claim that presence of morphosyntactic number makes the numeral sufficiently ‘noun-like’ to be subject to general principles of case theory.
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