Abstract

Standard English is typically described as a double negation language. In double negation ­languages, each negative marker contributes independent semantic force. Two negations in the same clause usually cancel each other out, resulting in an affirmative sentence. Other dialects of English permit negative concord. In negative concord sentences, the two negative markers yield a single semantic negation. This paper explores how English-speaking children interpret sentences with more than one negative element, in order to assess whether their early grammar allows negative concord. According to Zeijlstra’s (2004) typological generalization, if a language has a negative syntactic head, it will be a negative concord language. Since Standard English is often analysed as having a negative head, it represents an apparent exception to Zeijlstra’s ­generalization. This raises the intriguing possibility that initially, children recognize that English has a negative head (i.e., n’t) and, therefore, assign negative concord interpretations to sentences with two negations, despite the absence of evidence for this interpretation in the adult input. The present study investigated this possibility in a comprehension study with 20 3- to 5-year-old ­children and a control group of 15 adults. The test sentences were presented in contexts that made them amenable to either a double negation or a negative concord interpretation. As expected, the adult participants assigned the double negation interpretation of the test sentences the majority of the time. In contrast, the child participants assigned the alternative, negative concord interpretation the majority of the time. Children must jettison the negative concord interpretation of sentences with two negative markers, and acquire a double negation interpretation. We propose that the requisite positive evidence is the appearance of negative expressions like nothing in object position. Because such expressions exert semantic force without a second negation, this informs children that they are acquiring a double negation language.

Highlights

  • In double negation languages, each negation marker exerts semantic force (Zeijlstra 2004; de Swart 2010; Moscati 2006; 2010)

  • We proposed that filler items with the negative quantifier nothing provide critical evidence to children that Standard English is a double negation language, keeping in mind our assumption for the purposes of the experiment that children’s grammars generate only negative concord interpretations at this point in their development

  • 5 Discussion Several theoretical linguists have raised the possibility that Standard English is underlyingly a negative concord language (Zeijlstra 2004; Tubau 2008; Blanchette 2013; 2015), theories differ in their views of why negative concord is not represented in adults’ productions

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Summary

Introduction

Each negation marker exerts semantic force (Zeijlstra 2004; de Swart 2010; Moscati 2006; 2010). Double ­negation languages can be contrasted with negative concord languages. In these languages, ­sentences with two negation markers may express an interpretation that is equivalent to sentences with a single negation. The term ‘Standard English’ is used here to refer to varieties of English that exclude sentences that express negative concord. In double negation languages such as Standard English, double negation is sometimes associated with metalinguistic negation or pragmatic negation. This terminology refers to the function of double negation in conversational contexts, which is to correct a

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