Two histories of Syria and the demise of Syrian patriotism

Abstract

It is generally agreed that the Egyptian occupation of Syria in the 1 830s unified the country politically and economically, and opened its main cities to Western influence.' The new administration encouraged a sustained growth in commercial and financial involvement of European powers in the country, and led to the proliferation of European and American missionary schools and colleges. Soon after the withdrawal of the Egyptian forces from Syria, as a result of internal factors and the intervention of the European powers, the Ottoman authorities embarked on a variety of modernizing schemes, and announced their intention to implement relatively secular laws throughout the Empire.2 These laws, despite their ambiguities and shortcomings, paved the way for a new type of history-writing based on a semi-modern notion of national consciousness. Thus Syrian patriotism was born under the authoritarian rule of the Ottoman Sultans towards the middle of the nineteenth century, and in response to the modernizing policies of their local representatives. One of the first Syrians, who embraced and propagated the idea of a Syrian fatherland was Butrus al-Bustani (1819-83). He conveyed in his writings its existence as a separate well-defined historical unit, with a distinctly Arab culture and in the process of adopting certain Western characteristics deemed essential for its survival. The eruption of the Druze-Maronite civil war in 1860, and the massacre of Damascene Christians by some Muslims of the city, provided al-Bustani with a tragic opportunity to articulate and communicate his national and secular views. Towards the end of 1860 he started publishing a broadsheet called Nafir Suriyya (the Trumpet of Syria). In one article after another he appealed to his compatriots to put the welfare and interests of their Syrian fatherland above those of sectarianism and factionalism. The birth of a clear notion of Syrian patriotism can thus be traced to that date. Al-Bustani served to impress upon his readers the picture of an ideal national community, working within the Ottoman Empire for the benefit of all its members, irrespective of religion, race or any other divisive factor. He was joined in his endeavours by a number of colleagues and students, who were largely confined at this stage to either protestant converts or Greek Orthodox and Uniate Catholics. One of the first literary and cultural societies, modelled on European academic organizations bearing the modern name of the country, was established in 1847. It appears that its founders were the three American missionaries William Thomson, Cornelius Van Dyck and Eli Smith. The first served as its president, then the third was elected in the same capacity in 1852. Al-Bustani acted as the secretary and editor of the Society's journal.4 Syria was generally referred to by its inhabitants and other Arabs as 'Barr' or 'Bilad al-Sham' ever since its conquest by the Muslim armies in the first