Abstract

The development of ideologies in re-construction and transformation of the Indian subcontinent during and after its division into new nation states in 1947emerged as the fault lines in its structural and organizational imbalances, which is an interesting phenomenon and at times led to the violent and radical political discourses. This ideological transformation became imbalanced, due to the exploitation by opportunists in state and political elements, through consciously planned attitude especially in dogma, religious traditions, ethnicity and political/state governance thereby fulfilling ulterior motives. Resultantly, violence and conflicts emerged in both the fragile states of the Indian subcontinent besides undergoing a series of dictatorship, one party rule, manipulation of elites, and ethnic or national polarization ultimately leading to the weak governmental structure. This research was aimed at ascertaining both at theoretical and practical levels, the causes of intricacies involved in transformation of religious ideology into a fault line besides suppressing ethnic and identity markers of traditional society like Pakistan, exploiting the structural organization of political governments through state/bureaucratic regimes. It was discovered that this transformation became such due to the indulgence of state elements and their practices besides illiberal democratic governments, which were also leading to the violence and militancy where ideology/religion has been used for parochial political interests embodied in desires to hang on to power. Henceforth, the power made the dismemberment of joint Pakistan in post-1971era, whereas continuously challenged the fragile integrity after 1971.

Highlights

  • The emergence of imagined community1of Pakistan on world map with a religious philosophy since its inception on August 14, 1947, was interacting with the flawed sharing of the ideological ownership confused with its rich traditional culture intertwined in the ethnicity

  • The de-colonial states almost in all the cases world over with no exception to Pakistan, was generally struck by broken promises of development, poverty, disease, illiteracy and bitter hopelessness that led to being a soft target of violence, along-with a series of dictatorial/populist regimes

  • These brittle governance imbalance are enhanced many folds with the political oppression, inaptness, incompetence, corruption and nepotism which multiplied geometrically. This process of fragile structure of statecraft enhances if marginalization by its state elite in creating confusion amongst masses by using the fluidity of social construction of ideology to hide their ulterior motives of grabbing power visibly occurs by the stakeholders

Read more

Summary

Introduction

The emergence of imagined community1of Pakistan on world map with a religious philosophy since its inception on August 14, 1947, was interacting with the flawed sharing of the ideological ownership confused with its rich traditional culture intertwined in the ethnicity. It was used as anti-patriotism and against the national harmony or proclaimed volatility in nature and character both at inter and intra state levels. The recent wave of extreme militancy under the name of Islamic Jehad (Holy War) and war on terror created a new dimension of associating the ideology of dialectical linkage of Islam, Pakistan and patriotism. The Islamic ideology played a distinct role in maintaining public opinion of the Pakistani society in state functioning as highlighted by its founder Quiad e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah but it was not the only factor that out rightly negated all other supporting or contributing factors even while continuing to claim religious inspiration for politics especially in its emergence as new nation-state. The problem is complicated once the interpreters of the religious values including the government, state elements and/or religio-political parties used Islamic values to ulterior motives while transforming the masses from radical irritants into charged militants besides, making state elements as the constructors of foreign and associated policies instead of instrument to government planners.

Objectives
Methods
Findings
Conclusion

Talk to us

Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have

Schedule a call

Disclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.