Abstract

In the mid-twentieth century, in the aftermath of WWII and the Nazi atrocities and in the midst of decolonisation, a new discipline of transcultural psychiatry was being established and institutionalised. This was part and parcel of a global political project in the course of which Western psychiatry attempted to leave behind its colonial legacies and entanglements, and lay the foundation for a more inclusive, egalitarian communication between Western and non-Western concepts of mental illness and healing. In this period, the infrastructure of post-colonial global and transcultural psychiatry was set up, and leading psychiatric figures across the world embarked on identifying, debating and sometimes critiquing the universal psychological characteristics and psychopathological mechanisms supposedly shared among all cultures and civilisations. The article will explore how this psychiatric, social and cultural search for a new definition of ‘common humanity’ was influenced and shaped by the concurrent global rise of social psychiatry. In the early phases of transcultural psychiatry, a large number of psychiatrists were very keen to determine how cultural and social environments shaped the basic traits of human psychology, and ‘psy’ practitioners and anthropologist from all over the world sought to re-define the relationship between culture, race and individual psyche. Most of them worked within the universalist framework, which posited that cultural differences merely formed a veneer of symptoms and expressions while the universal core of mental illness remained the same across all cultures. The article will argue that, even in this context, which explicitly challenged the hierarchical and racist paradigms of colonial psychiatry, the founding generations of transcultural psychiatrists from Western Europe and North America tended to conceive of broader environmental determinants of mental health and pathology in the decolonising world in fairly reductionist terms—focusing almost exclusively on ‘cultural difference’ and cultural, racial and ethnic ‘traditions’, essentialising and reifying them in the process, and failing to establish some common sociological or economic categories of analysis of Western and non-Western ‘mentalities’. On the other hand, it was African and Asian psychiatrists as well as Marxist psychiatrists from Eastern Europe who insisted on applying those broader social psychiatry concepts—such as social class, occupation, socio-economic change, political and group pressures and relations etc.—which were quickly becoming central to mental health research in the West but were largely missing from Western psychiatrists’ engagement with the decolonising world. In this way, some of the leading non-Western psychiatrists relied on social psychiatry to establish the limits of psychiatric universalism, and challenge some of its Eurocentric and essentialising tendencies. Even though they still subscribed to the predominant universalist framework, these practitioners invoked social psychiatry to draw attention to universalism’s internal incoherence, and sought to revise the lingering evolutionary thinking in transcultural psychiatry. They also contributed to re-imagining cross-cultural encounters and exchanges as potentially creative and progressive (whereas early Western transcultural psychiatry primarily viewed the cross-cultural through the prism of pathogenic and traumatic ‘cultural clash’). Therefore, the article will explore the complex politics of the shifting and overlapping definitions of ‘social’ and ‘cultural’ factors in mid-twentieth century transcultural psychiatry, and aims to recover the revolutionary voices of non-Western psychiatrists and their contributions to the global re-drawing of the boundaries of humanity in the second half of the twentieth century.

Highlights

  • In the mid-twentieth century, in the aftermath of the WWII atrocities and in the midst of decolonisation, a new discipline of transcultural psychiatry was being established and institutionalised

  • As Aubrey Lewis noted, the emerging discipline of global psychiatry had high hopes for its own professional and political status: ‘Many psychiatrists believe they have a knowledge of the forces of human nature, in individuals and in groups, which entitles them to take a large part in ... advising on human relations between people and even between communities and nations.’13 As this article has demonstrated, transcultural psychiatry was an essential part of the post-1945 search for stable peace, and consciously fashioned itself as a facilitator of cross-cultural communication and understanding in the context of postwar reconstruction and

  • It grappled with notions of ‘cultural difference’ in order to re-define the relationship between race, culture and individual psyche, and to move away from the difficult legacies of colonial psychiatry

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Summary

Introduction

In the mid-twentieth century, in the aftermath of the WWII atrocities and in the midst of decolonisation, a new discipline of transcultural psychiatry was being established and institutionalised. Discussing the same issue, for example, psychologist Bal emphasised the sociological background of patients and the social context of psychiatric consultation, arguing that ‘working-class Asian patients are likely to use a mode of communication [physical complaints] which they believe will be acceptable to the doctor, and one which does not involve blaming family members for their distress’ (Bal 1987) Following his ethnological and clinical research in Uganda, anthropologist and psychiatrist John Orley has argued that a tendency to frame distress in the ‘language of body illness’ often stems from the patient’s ‘desire to express his illness in what he thinks are terms acceptable to western medicine’ (Orley 1970: 50). Despite the proclaimed psychiatric universalism and its tendency to disregard the importance of cultural differences as merely occluding the universal core of illnesses, leading figures such as Leff paradoxically focused on perceived cultural and civilizational distinctions as essential determinants of mental health experiences, often missing an opportunity to explore broader sociological and economic circumstances which shaped the lives of both Western and non-Western patients

Social Psychiatry Outside the West
Questioning Universalism
Conclusion
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