Abstract

Abstract The agent noun suffix in -ntsa belongs to a complex of Tocharian B agent noun formations, similar in form, function, and inflection. Of these, two suffixes are widely believed to be related to -ntsa: the productive agent noun in -ñca and the lexicalised agent noun in -nta. The suffix -ntsa forms occupational titles to eleven verbs in Tocharian B and can be reconstructed for Proto-Tocharian through comparison with Tocharian A. In this paper, it is argued that the suffix originated in the feminine of the PIE active participle in *-nt. This is substantiated by the fact that several ntsa-nouns refer to primarily female professions, as well as the existence of the relic forms Bpreṃtsa ‘pregnant’ and Blāntsa ‘queen’. Furthermore, it is proposed that the masculine is reflected in the suffixes -ñca and -nta and that the disintegration of gendered inflection in the participle led to its development into several agent noun formations.

Highlights

  • In the past decade, a group of competing suffixes forming agentive nouns in the Tocharian languages has received increased attention

  • It is generally accepted in Tocharian scholarship that the agent noun suffixes in -nta, -ñca and -ntsa are based in one way or another on the PIE *nt-participle; cf

  • There is a case to be made that the TB agent noun in -ntsa continues the PIE feminine active participle in *-nt-ih2

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Summary

Introduction

A group of competing suffixes forming agentive nouns in the Tocharian languages has received increased attention. 43) suggest that the word consists of keu ‘cow’ and an ntsa-form to the verb Byənm- ‘get’ and propose the meaning ‘cattle-keeper’ If this is the case, this passage would be clear evidence that ntsa-forms can have feminine reference as well as masculine much like ñca-forms; cf the masculine varddhaneṃ wapāntsai (obl.sg., THT 375 b2) ‘Varddhane the weaver’. 15 For the inflection of adjectives in -eu, cf Table 3 below It is generally accepted in Tocharian scholarship that the agent noun suffixes in -nta, -ñca and -ntsa are based in one way or another on the PIE *nt-participle; cf Malzahn (2010: 488–491), Hackstein (2012), Pinault (2012), Fellner (2014b), Adams (2015: 140). Analogy is needed to explain the nominative singular B-a, since PIE *-ōn most likely would yield B-o; cf. Bokso ‘ox’ < PIE *uksōn.

The origin of ntsa-nouns
Conclusion

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