Abstract

To tell you the truth, I'm in an awkward position myself. Were I to pass on the demands of the Okinawan people, it would be for the complete return of Futenma. However, bearing in mind the importance of U.S.-Japan security … I realize that this is extremely difficult. – Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto August 2009 heralded a rare political moment in Japanese politics. Hailed by many Japanese as the “final blow to the island nation's postwar order,” the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) resoundingly defeated the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Washington policymakers had predicted the LDP's downfall months before the elections. However, political reality now sent U.S. officials scrambling for answers regarding the fate of an important Marine air base in Okinawa. In support of Okinawan anti-base demands, the DPJ had publicly campaigned against construction of Marine Corps Air Station (MCAS) Futenma's replacement facility within Okinawa. The media on both sides of the Pacific honed in on the potential looming crisis in the U.S.-Japan alliance and the precarious future of U.S. base realignment plans in Okinawa. Aside from passing references, however, what media reports often failed to mention regarding Futenma's relocation was the rape of a schoolgirl by two U.S. Marines and a Navy seaman fourteen years earlier. The incident triggered widespread anti-base protests, which eventually led to the promise of Futenma's return by the U.S. and Japanese governments.

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