Abstract
This article examines and reviews the evidence surrounding the UK Government’s Troubled Families Programme (TFP), a flagship social policy launched in 2011, following riots in towns and cities across England. The programme aims to work with over 500,000 ‘troubled families’ by 2020, using a ‘whole family’ intervention. It has been beset by controversy and criticism since its inception, but it has been described by the government as ‘promoting social justice’. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s work around recognition and redistribution, this article assesses the subjective aims and achievements of the TFP and locates this analysis in the wider objective conditions experienced by disadvantaged families in the UK at the current time.
Highlights
The UK Government’s Troubled Families Programme (TFP) is a UK government programme that seeks to work with some of the most putatively ‘troubled’ families in England.1 Established in the aftermath of riots in towns and cities across England in 2011, the programme, in its second phase, advocates an intensive ‘family intervention’ model to help ‘turn around’ the lives of ‘troubled families’ in the first phase, and help them to make ‘significant and sustained progress’, in the second phase
A discussion of the effects of austerity policies, welfare reforms and cuts to local services on disadvantaged families examines the role of the UK government in providing the objective conditions for social justice
‘Troubled families’ were initially defined as: those that were involved in crime and/or anti-social behaviour (ASB); with children excluded from school or with low attendance, with an adult on out-of-work benefits or; who cause ‘high costs to the taxpayer’ (DCLG, 2012, p. 9)
Summary
The UK Government’s Troubled Families Programme (TFP) is a UK government programme that seeks to work with some of the most putatively ‘troubled’ families in England. Established in the aftermath of riots in towns and cities across England in 2011, the programme, in its second phase, advocates an intensive ‘family intervention’ model to help ‘turn around’ the lives of ‘troubled families’ in the first phase, and help them to make ‘significant and sustained progress’, in the second phase. The section on ‘promoting social justice’ once again fails to provide an adequate definition of what the government means by ‘social justice’, and focuses primarily on ‘worklessness’, ‘parental conflict and problem debt’ and ‘health’ It includes examples and case studies of how local services are supporting families in these areas. For this level of participatory parity to be achieved, Fraser states that the distribution of material resources should ensure that individuals are not prevented from participation by economic or material hardship, deprivation or exploitation It is necessary for institutions and institutionalized practices to treat all potential participants as equals and not subordinate parties or ‘Others’ A discussion of the effects of austerity policies, welfare reforms and cuts to local services on disadvantaged families examines the role of the UK government in providing the objective conditions for social justice. A concluding discussion suggests that substantial work is required on both fronts if the intersubjective and objective conditions for marginalised and disadvantaged families are to improve, let alone for participatory parity to be achieved
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