The Theory of Morals on a Class Basis

Abstract

r HE confusion which existed prior to the War in the Socialist movement with reference to the competing claims of nation and class can hardly be said to have been dissipated by four years of conflict and controversy. In the case of organizations (like the Independent Labour Party) which were accustomed to lay stress on ethical and humanitarian, as distinct from economic considerations, the mystery of their position has perhaps deepened. Accustomed formerly to defend the point of view of the State against that of the class, some of their number are now the most eminent exponents of the claims of the international working class against the nation. But until they abandon their present attitude of aloofness from the discussion of first principles, there is little purpose in trying to clear their minds. The case of organizations, like the Socialist Labour Party and the Industrial Workers of the World is different. They, at least, have the merit of consistency. On the old opposition of war and class war their position has always been quite unambiguous. The class, they declared, was the unit, political, moral, and social, because it was economic. For their own rulers they had nothing but contempt and hatred, while they welcomed workers in other lands as brothers. The supporters of these views were a select, rather than a numerous or eminent body, but some rumour of the nature of their position percolated at times to the ordinary press. Until, however, the fall of Kerensky in Russia and particularly the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the world does not seem to have supposed that they had much influence. Of their importance we may suppose everyone is now convinced. Taken together, these views may be called Bolshevism and their main principle is the assertion of the supremacy of the ideology of the working class, particularly as it would be stated in