Abstract

This paper is concerned with the syntactic representation of inner aspect in Hungarian. We contribute to the extant research on inner aspectual markers by providing an analysis of entailed versus implied telicity as well as the (non)maximality effects with which telic predicates are associated. Although we focus on the grammar of Hungarian, we also draw parallels between typologically different languages like Finno-Ugric (e.g. Hungarian and Finnish) and Germanic (e.g. English) regarding their inner aspectual marking strategies, and the interaction of inner aspect and case assignment.

Highlights

  • This paper is concerned with the syntactic representation of inner aspect in Hungarian

  • There are two main claims that we argue for: First, in line with previous literature on the syntax of inner aspect, we claim, building on Surányi (2014), that Hungarian has an aspectual functional projection, called aspectual phrase (AspP), sandwiched between VP and vP in the event domain, which is directly responsible for the aspectual interpretations associated with verbal particles (VPrts), result predicates (RPs) and POs

  • (MacDonald 2008: 175 ex. (18)) The syntactic representation that we propose for the Hungarian counterpart of the Finnish sentence above is given below, where, again, we represent the verb in its base-merged position: (27)

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

This paper is concerned with the syntactic representation of inner aspect in Hungarian. There are two main claims that we argue for: First, in line with previous literature on the syntax of inner aspect (see MacDonald 2008 or Travis 2010), we claim, building on Surányi (2014), that Hungarian has an aspectual functional projection, called AspP, sandwiched between VP and vP in the event domain, which is directly responsible for the aspectual interpretations associated with VPrts, RPs and POs. The analysis that we propose in this paper pertains to separable particles with an obligatorily telic function like meg in examples such as János meg-evett egy almát ‘János PRT-ate an apple’ and János meg-szerelt egy gépet ‘János PRT-fixed a machine’.

PREVIOUS LITERATURE ON HUNGARIAN INNER ASPECTUAL MARKERS
Some generalizations about telic predicates in Hungarian and across languages
Outer aspect versus inner aspect
THE PROPOSAL
Verbal particles and result predicates
Pseudo-objects
CONCLUSION
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