Abstract

The structural approach to alternatives (Katzir in Linguist Philos 30(6):669–690, 2007; Fox and Katzir in Nat Lang Semant 19(1):87–107, 2011; Katzir in Semantics, pragmatics and the case of scalar implicatures, Palgrave Macmillan, London, pp 40–71, 2014) is the most developed attempt in the literature at solving the symmetry problem of scalar implicatures. Problematic data with indirect and particularised scalar implicatures have however been raised (Romoli in Snippets 27:14–15, 2013; Trinh and Haida in Nat Lang Semant 25(4):249–270, 2015). To address these problems, Trinh and Haida (2015) proposed to augment the theory with the Atomicity Constraint. Here we show that this constraint falls short of explaining minimal variants of the original problems, and moreover that it runs into trouble with the inferences of sentences involving gradable adjectives like full and empty. We furthermore discuss how the structural approach suffers at times from the problem of ‘too many lexical alternatives’ pointed out by Swanson (Linguist Philos 33(1):31–36, 2010), and at other times from the opposite problem of ‘too few lexical alternatives’. These three problems epitomise the challenge of constructing just enough alternatives under the structural approach to solve the symmetry problem in full generality. Finally, we also sketch another recent attempt at solving the symmetry problem, Bergen et al. (Semant Pragmat 9(20), 2016), which is based on relative informativity and complexity. We argue that Bergen et al. do not provide a general solution to the symmetry problem either, by pointing to some of the open problematic cases that remain for this approach as well. We conclude that while important progress has been made in the theory of alternatives for scalar implicatures in the last few years, a full solution to the symmetry problem has not yet been attained.

Highlights

  • 1.1 The symmetry problemTheories of scalar implicatures, while quite diverse, tend to have the following shape: the scalar implicatures of sentence S are the negations of alternative sentences of S.1 In particular, as a first approximation, the scalar implicatures of S are the negation of all alternatives of S that are relevant and more informative than S.2 For instance, where (1a) has the scalar implicature in (1b), this is derived in reference to the alternative John did all of the homework.(1) a

  • The implicature that John did all of the homework is correctly not expected for (i). 9 An alternative neo-Gricean treatment of these particularised scalar implicatures is given in Hirschberg (1991), which builds on the lexical alternatives approach and develops the idea that sets of alternatives are created on an ad hoc basis according to what is relevant in context and are partially ordered by entailment

  • In addition to the structural theory of alternatives, there are two other theories on the market that we know of that address the symmetry problem: the Monotonicity Constraint (Horn 1989; Matsumoto 1995) and the interaction of informativity and complexity in the Rational Speech Acts (RSA) framework proposed by Bergen et al (2016)

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Summary

The symmetry problem

Theories of scalar implicatures, while quite diverse, tend to have the following shape: the scalar implicatures of sentence S are the negations of alternative sentences (or alternatives) of S.1 In particular, as a first approximation, the scalar implicatures of S are the negation of all alternatives of S that are relevant and more informative than S.2 For instance, where (1a) has the scalar implicature in (1b), this is derived in reference to the alternative John did all of the homework. Where (1a) has the scalar implicature in (1b), this is derived in reference to the alternative John did all of the homework. The reason is that if (2) were an alternative, it would generate its negation as a scalar implicature, namely, that John did either none or all of the homework. Since the literal meaning of (1a) says that John did some of the homework, it would, follow that John did all of the homework. S with a scalar implicature that ¬A for some alternative A should not have a sentence that means S ∧ ¬A as an alternative. The theory of alternatives needs to explain this as well

Non-weaker alternatives
Outline
The structural approach
The problem of indirect scalar implicatures
The problem of particularised scalar implicatures
The atomicity constraint
Problems
Particularised scalar implicatures
Gradable adjectives
Too few lexical alternatives
Too many lexical alternatives
Alternative approaches
The RSA approach
The account: complexity and relative informativeness
Problematic cases
Concluding remarks
Full Text
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