Abstract

The paper discusses the syntactic mechanisms underlying morphological ergativity in Khwarshi (Tsezic / Northeast Caucasian) and argues for a structural representation of the functional opposition of case forms — absolutive vs. other grammatical cases (including the ergative) vs. semantic cases — found in Northeast Caucasian languages. Specifi cally, it shows that the Khwarshi ergative DP is best analyzed as structurally case-marked, thus providing support for Maria Polinsky’s analysis of the ergative in Tsez, another language belonging to the same family. It also claims that among the non-absolutive subjects found in Tsez, ergative and dative subjects exhibit similar behavior and therefore pattern together structurally, while locative subjects and non-subject oblique arguments should be treated differently, as PPs. This claim is supported by a novel diagnostic of the syntactic category of case forms based on the selectional restrictions of the Khwarshi attributive morpheme. Finally, the paper argues against the widely accepted view that absolutives represent structurally case-marked DPs and provides evidence for their case-less DP status.

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