Abstract

Abstract In a relatively small number of languages, there appears to be an alternation between clauses containing an intact NP argument with a possessor and corresponding ‘possessor-raised’ clauses, in which the possessor NP and the possessed object both appear as independent constituents. Pairs like the following Northern Pomo1 examples are typical of the construction. In (Ia) the unremarkable NP ‘his knee’ is the direct object of the transitive verb ‘bum.’ In (I b), the possessor NP is no longer marked with the Oblique case, is no longer adjacent to the nominal ‘knee,’ and is marked in the accusative case.

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