Abstract
Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite oppositionof German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. Theseintonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in theAM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F<inf>0</inf> peak patterns differentiatedby their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experimentswere carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peakcategories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shapeand height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the currentphonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categoriesin German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peakmovements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptualdifferentiation.
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