Abstract
We identify a new scope puzzle for quantifiers in comparative clauses. In particular, we argue that nominal quantifiers take scope at a higher level in the degree clause than previously assumed. On the assumption that quantifier scope is clause-bounded, this entails that there must be more structure in the clause than standardly assumed. BibTeX Info
Highlights
Clausal degree constructions can contain nominal or modal quantifiers, and when they do, they tend to yield readings that involve degrees corresponding to some minimum or maximum
We have argued in this note that the intuition of Schwarzschild & Wilkinson 2002 is correct, but only for some comparative clauses — those that include nominal quantifiers
A way to account for the data is to say that degree clauses will have to contain an extra layer and the extra layer must be used by nominal quantifiers as a scope position at a higher level than previously acknowledged
Summary
Clausal degree constructions can contain nominal or modal quantifiers, and when they do, they tend to yield readings that involve degrees corresponding to some minimum or maximum. The best-known example of this is the case of comparatives, where a universal modal in the than-clause yields comparison either to the maximally allowed degree, (1), or the minimally required one, (2). Nominal universal quantifiers in comparative clauses result in readings involving comparison to the degree that is maximal with respect to the quantifier’s domain. What we find is that the interpretational effects of nominal quantifiers in degree constructions need to be accounted for differently from the effects of intensional operators.
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