The role of salience in young children’s processing of ad hoc implicatures

Abstract

Language comprehension often requires making implicatures. For example, inferring that “I ate some of the cookies” implicates that the speaker ate some but not all (scalar implicatures), and “I ate the chocolate chip cookies” where there are both chocolate chip cookies and raisin cookies in the context implicates that the speaker ate the chocolate chip cookies but not both the chocolate chip and raisin cookies (ad hoc implicatures). Children’s ability to make scalar implicatures develops at around 5 years of age, with ad hoc implicatures emerging somewhat earlier. In the current work, using a time-sensitive tablet paradigm, we examined developmental gains in children’s ad hoc implicature processing and found evidence for successful pragmatic inferences by children as young as 3 years in a supportive context and substantial developmental gains in inference computation from 2 to 5 years. We also tested whether one cause of younger children’s (2-year-olds) consistent failure to make pragmatic inferences is their difficulty in inhibiting an alternative interpretation that is more salient than the target meaning (the salience hypothesis). Our findings support this hypothesis; younger children’s failures with pragmatic inferences were related to effects of the salience mismatch between possible interpretations.