The Returnee as an Outsider: Reunion and Division in Wang Quan’an’s Apart Together (團圓, tuan yuan)

There are different discourses of international law and national law regarding the legal status or claim of Taiwan. International law discourse is concerned with the legality of transferring Taiwan's sovereignty from Japan to the Republic of China. Moreover, this question is extended to the nature of the successive relation of the People's Republic of China with the Republic of China. The national law discourse is mainly concered with Taiwan people's perception and claim of Taiwan's sovereignty. Owing to the fact that self-perception of Taiwan's sovereignty would affect Taiwan's diplomatic acts, especially bilateral relations between Taiwan and PRC. As an abnormal state with sovereignty disputes, it is necessary for Taiwan to settle the tension between the international law and the national law, at least in regard to how to integrate national law's provisions and explanations. This article focuses on the national law level, additional to the international concepts, from the point of view of Taiwan presenting legal system of the Republic of China, to discuss the legal status of Taiwan and the cross-strait relations. In reality, the problem will force Taiwan to face the legal status of the cross-strait agreement, the recognization of PRC's official documents, as well as the recognization of PRC's citizens' legal rights and obligations in Taiwan. However, the problem also involves different national identity groups' legal affection, and will affect Taiwan's internal political stability. It is never a hidden fact that PRC declares the ownership of Taiwan's sovereignty, which affects the harmonious development of the cross-strait relations. Due to many historical and political factors, there is a lot of confusion of the concepts of ”Taiwan”, ”cross-strait relations” and so on in Taiwan's legal system. The contradiction between the rule requirement of making a law objective and the result of its being politically subjective is hard to be solved. Therefore, this article attempts to propose some legal policies for the legal fact's cognition and interpretation from asserting the necessity of constructing Taiwan as a state of rule of law.

The aftermath of World War II witnessed significant changes in China, marked by a civil war between the Chinese Communist Party, led by Mao Zedong, and the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang), led by Chiang Kai-shek. The conflict culminated in a victory for the Communists and the establishment of the People's Republic of China in Beijing in 1949. Chiang Kai-shek and his followers retreated to Taiwan, where they declared the Republic of China with its capital in Taipei. Since then, Taiwan has claimed to be the legitimate government of all Chinese territory. Conversely, the People's Republic of China has sought to reintegrate Taiwan under its "one country, two systems" framework, introduced by the Communist Party in the 1980s. Meanwhile, the United States has supported Taiwan and endeavored to safeguard its interests in the region. The study, entitled "The Taiwan issue in the context of the official positions of the People's Republic of China and the United States of America", discusses the official positions of the parties concerned on the Taiwan issue. The importance of this study lies in Taiwan's strategic location; any change in its current situation could threaten the regional balance. The study answers several important questions: Is the Taiwan issue a domestic matter, as claimed by China, or is it an international one? What are the official views of China and the United States on the Taiwan issue? To answer these questions, the study uses historical and descriptive-analytical methods based on library literature and is organized into five sections. These sections include a historical overview of the Taiwan issue, an examination of key mechanisms and strategies for resolving the conflict, and an exploration of the official positions and policies of Taiwan, the People's Republic of China, and the United States regarding the Taiwan issue.

Looking back on Taiwan’s history, it is an island in ocean and located between Japan, Eurasia, Southeast Asia and the Pacific Ocean, and it is also a transfer station for the berthing of ships from various countries since ancient times. Since the Age of Exploration in 15th and 16th century, Taiwan gradually became the focus of attention in the international environment of competing over the ocean power. In 1624, the Dutch entered the south part of Taiwan, while the Spaniard sent troops and occupied the north part of Taiwan two years later. In 1662, Jheng Cheng-gong led troops and took Zeelandia established by the Dutch in Taiwan, and defeated the regime established by Dutch East India Company, who then established the first Chinese regime in Taiwan history. In 1683, Qing government general Shi Lang led troops to attack and occupy Taiwan which formally ended the Jheng’s reign of three generations in Taiwan. In 1895, Qing government was defeated in Sino-Japanese war of 1894-1895 and signed Treaty of Shimonoseki with Japan, which ceded the territory and sovereignty of Taiwan and Penghu to Japan. In the same year, the people in Taiwan who opposed ceding established “Taiwan Democratic Country”, which only lasted half a year. After that, Japan gradually controlled the whole Taiwan and its ruling power was becoming more and more stable. Japan was defeated in World War Ⅱ. In 1945, Taiwan was brought into Republic of China as a province. In 1949, the government of Republic of China lost mainland China and retreated to Taiwan. However, the rules of international documentations concerning the final ownership of Taiwan’s territory and sovereignty were not clear, which raised doubts in the legitimacy of Republic of China’s rule. In addition, it was expelled from UN and lost its representation of China, which brought it into an extremely weak position and status. Since 1990s, a series of constitutional reform and democratic project were developed, national sovereignty was generally put into practice, the leaders in Taiwan continuously demonstrated the national character of Taiwan, and the national orientation of Taiwan showed a transformation sign. Taiwan’s national orientation is still a politically sensitive issue and becomes a special phenomenon in Taiwan’s political culture. Based on the concern for Taiwan, this study attempts to present Taiwan’s national orientation from 1945 to 2008 faithfully according to the theories and practical operations in international law. The new nation organism model put forward by this study regards nation as an organism and pays attention to the dynamic process of national growth, in which citizens, territory, government, sovereignty and self-assertion of national character are five core elements. Once any element changes, it will affect the coordinates of nation orientation and produces swing, which is the important key in the advancement or degeneration of national orientation. Only the relationship and interaction of every element in a new nation is balanced and adaptive to the national environment changes, can the nation achieve the long-term consolidation and development. The sovereignty status and position of United States, Japan and People’s Republic of China towards Taiwan also affect Taiwan’s national orientation. In addition, two questions should be clarified when exploring Taiwan’s national orientation, one is the ownership of Taiwan’s territory and sovereignty, the other is the legal status of Republic of China. This study finds that in terms of the ownership of Taiwan’s territory and sovereignty, from 1895 to 1952, Taiwan was in the period of Japanese colonial rule; from 1952 to 1991, Taiwan belonged to Allied Powers; after 1991, Taiwan was in the period of Republic of China. In terms of the legal status of Republic of China, from 1912 to 1945, Taiwan was in the period of Chinese legitimate government; from 1945 to 1949, Taiwan was temporarily under the governance of Chinese legitimate government; from 1949 to 1971, Taiwan was temporarily under the governance control of nominal Chinese legitimate government-in-exile; from 1971 to 1991, Taiwan was temporarily under the governance of Chinese rebel government-in-exile; after 1991, Taiwan entered into a new period as a nation.

The one remaining threat to the peace in East Asia, now that there has been a rapprochement between the two Koreas, is that of a Chinese attack on the Republic of China on Taiwan. Currently, China and Taiwan have irreconcilable differences. China insists that Taiwan is a province of China and demands that Taiwan accede to unification or face military attack. Taiwan, on the other hand, will not agree to unification with an authoritarian, communist regime. In recent years, however, complex economic, social and cultural ties have developed between the two rivals. Thus it may be possible that some form of unification between the two countries could be achieved. After analysing the interactions between Taiwan, China, and the United States ‐ the three nations vital to the solution of the so‐called ‘Taiwan Question’ ‐ this essay examines possible ways to ensure a peaceful outcome in the Taiwan Strait.

This thesis looks into the interrelationship between water’s ecology and ethnic culture in Wu Ming-Yi’s nature writing, and Mayaw Biho, Ke Jin-Yuan’s documentary films, and explores what kind of ecological observations are presented through different types of media. Furthermore, this paper connects contemporary environmental issues in Taiwan to global ecological consciousness, and explores how water-related ecological consciousness functions in these process. Chapter II explores the interrelationship between natural ecology and ethnic culture in Ming-yi Wu’s So Much Water So Close to Home. Wu provides substantial reflections on water’s ecology in eastern Taiwan through historical and cultural backgrounds, scientific knowledge, as well as traditional ecological knowledge of aboriginals, and develops a discourse on water’s ecology in eastern Taiwan and global ecological consciousness. Chapter III explores the destruction of natural environment in modern city and its impact on aboriginal people’s lives in Mayaw Biho’s Children in Heaven and Our Home Beside the River. Through the issue of unplaced urban aboriginal people, and the power relation between aboriginal people and majority Han Chinese, this film becomes a reactive voice to the mainstream thinking of developmentalism. Chapter IV explores the marine ecosystem’s pollution by KuoKuang Petrochemical Project and other petrochemical industry in southwestern Taiwan in Jin-Yuan’s Ke Ebb and Flow and Formosa V.S Formosa. After discussing how the director represents the symbiosis between traditional economy industry and local environment, I provide an overview of the interaction between environmental documentaries and various ecological issues in Taiwan. As a whole, this thesis explores the mutual-belonging interactions and relationships between human and nature from water environmental issues in Taiwan's different regions, and criticizes the mainstream thinking in the modernization process that ignored the value of nature and environmental justice. In addition, this paper also reflects on alternative thinking about regional development from traditional culture and history with ecological implications, and further tries to connect regional issues and practices to contemporary global ecological consciousness.

This thesis is based on the research of the thoughts on China’s policy towards Taiwan by the leader of its 4th generation, Hu Jintao. China’s policy has been consistent and continuous. Mao’s period is from 1949 to1976, which China’s policy towards Taiwan was focused on force to solve Taiwan issue. Since Deng Xiaoping came to the power in 1978, China had changed the strategies into “Peaceful Unification and One China, Two Systems” policy. However, China still never give up using force to solve Taiwan issue. In addition to strengthen “Peaceful Unification and One China, Two Systems” policy, China’s strategies toward Taiwan was based on “Eight Points” during Jiang’s period. During the initial stage of Hu’s period, he still followed Jiang’s policy toward Taiwan. Afterwards, what made China’s new leader adjust strategies toward Taiwan was that he consolidated his regime increasingly and faced the internal independence of Taiwan getting rampant, for example, it proposed “One Side One Country,” “Referendum,” “Founding a new Constitution,” and “Amending the official name of Taiwan.” Hu Pronounced four “Nos” toward Taiwan, including “not to change One China Policy,” “not to give up the pursuit of peaceful unification,” “not to change the expectation relying on Taiwan people,” and “not to compromise on activities in support Taiwan’s independence.” In addition, China carried through Hu’s four opinions and restrained the independence of Taiwan by Passing “Anti-Sessession Law.” The characteristics of the thoughts on China’s policy towards Taiwan by its leader of 4th generation are establishing the principle of “Negotiating Taiwan Issue by Law.” In addition, he stressed on striving for the supports of Taiwan people, in particular, the “Anti-Sessession Law” was passed, he interacted with Taiwan’s opposition parties more actively, and address much more preference to Taiwan people. The purposes of these strategies are drawing Taiwan’s opposition parties and Taiwan people to China’s side, furthermore, it wanted to press the DPC yielding to politics. China has drawn so called “Three Red Lines” toward Taiwan independence, since it passed “Anti-Sessession Law.” Therefore the primary attitude on China’s policy towards Taiwan at present is “Controlling Acting by Still.” Because China doesn’t want to get too much stuff, so that it could endeavoure to deal with internal and foreign affairs. In conclusion, “Anti-Sessession Law” and “Hu’s Four Points” have turned into the guiding principle of China’s policy towards Taiwan by its leader of 4th generation.

This article covers the period from when China first reported the outbreak of COVID-19-source unknown-in Wuhan, Hubei on December 31, 2019 to the commencement of the 73rd session of the World Health Assembly (WHA) of the World Health Organization (WHO) in Geneva on May 18 and 19, 2020. It highlights how Taiwan's success in tackling the COVID-19 outbreak reinforced the Tsai Ing-wen government's quest for observer status in the WHA and defined its spirited campaign to be invited to the 73rd session of the WHA. The article analyzes the impact of the world approbation Taiwan received for containing the outbreak in cross-Strait relations, Taiwan-US ties and Taiwan's pragmatic diplomacy with reference to its campaign to secure the invitation. Analyzing the developments in these three thematic areas pertaining to Taiwan's WHA-WHO cause, it reiterates that universalist values and objectives in the present international order prove ineffectual in the face of power politics. Weaker political entities like Taiwan continue to be squeezed between favorable and unfavorable geopolitical situations. They rely heavily on a favorable geopolitical environment to be heard in the world without any guarantee of success. The Tsai government has succeeded in its bid for the WHA invitation insofar as its objective was to attract international attention towards its predicament vis-a-vis China and sensitize global opinion on the issue of Taiwan's entry into the WHA. However, Chinese power has prevailed and has not allowed any substantial diplomatic gains for Taiwan. As the ramifications of COVID-19-induced geopolitical developments for the world are yet to be fully revealed, Taiwan should prioritize the consolidation of the gains its pragmatic diplomacy has made in its relations with the US and beyond.

After the 30th anniversary of reform and opening, the mainland of China makes achievements in economic growth and business development. It knocks the socks off other countries. The diplomacy thought of Deng Xiaoping has been changed. China has more influence in international affairs and takes part in the world. In the trend of globalization, 2011 was a critical and important year. 2011 was not only the first year of China's 12th five-year plan, but also first year of golden decade of Taiwan. 2011 was also the second year after the cross-strait signed ECFA. There are more than 60 years about the development of cross-strait relation. But the change in recent years has been much more than the past decade. Nowadays, China gets good grades in economic growth and business development. Everyone looks China with new eyes. With the relation development, cross-strait gets cooperation in various areas. Because of the financial storm and high unemployment rate, the job market’s influence of ECFA in Taiwan is concerned by society. This research mainly responses to the global and regional integration trends, keeps the trading advantage of Taiwan and excludes other countries or regions to sign a free trade agreement. Strait signed an economic cooperation framework agreement, ECFA, in June 2010. ECFA early harvest program was implemented in 2011. The cross-strait have not negotiated yet about the commodity items and the trade in services of ECFA. It will overstep the range of ECFA early harvest program. Because of that, it is hardly using the real data to predict the influence to Taiwan. From experiences, the government of Taiwan should do something to protect the traditional and weak industries and to avoid the problem of unemployment. How to lower the negative impact of ECFA and intensify the economic benefits is the research direction of this paper. Nevertheless, any trade liberalization has advantages and disadvantages. ECFA is not a panacea or a miracle drug. But the economic theory tell us that trade liberalization can promote the efficient allocation of resources and lower the gap of commercial trade. It will upgrade the economic benefits on both side. Finally, we try to find the way to protect the sovereignty of Taiwan, raise trade interests, and get the future of Taiwan. This is the summary of the paper.

Reviews in John F. Copper. Words across the Taiwan Strait: A Critique ofBeijing's "White Paper" on China's Reunification. Lanham, Maryland: University Press ofAmerica, 1995. 127 pp. Hardcover $32.50, isbn 0-8191-9908-7. Paperback $15.95, isbn 0-8191-9909-5. This book is a chapter-by-chapter critique ofthe "White Paper" on Taiwan and cross-strait relations promulgated by the PRC in 1993. The book is informative as it provides many fresh facts and arguments never encountered before in the official publications ofthe PRC or even Taiwan. For example, it reveals that Mao Zedong once intended to handle the Taiwan issue the same way as it did Korea (p. 9). It also presents many arguments from the international and legal perspectives , which the PRC should listen to and take seriously even it does not intend to act accordingly. The author considers the many aspects ofthe Taiwan issue and cross-strait relations. He presents much factual data to show that the PRCs arguments that Taiwan is a part ofChina are neither comprehensive nor convincing. He also argues that the "one country, two systems" principle could be very difficult to implement in Taiwan. He even refutes China's position that Taiwan cannot be a member ofinternational organizations or ofthe UN, and cites Germany and Korea as good examples of dual membership in the UN. The author suggests a gradual and functionalist way ofunifying China: "The only reasonable policy for the PRC to accomplish reunification is one ofpromoting economic ties, building better political relations, and allowing Taipei a greater amount oflatitude and freedom to play a more formal and more legitimate role in world affairs, expecting that it will freely and voluntarilybecome a part ofGreater China when the conditions are right." Judging from recent developments in the Taiwan Strait, especially China's missile tests and its military exercises on the eve ofthe presidential election in Taiwan, it is unlikely that China will recognize Taiwan as a legally constituted government and allow it to participate in world affairs as a legitimate, sovereign nation-state, as the author suggests is possible. But this reviewer fully agrees with the author that a gradual and functionalist way ofunifying China is the best scenario . At present, maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait will buy more time for China to develop its market economy and for Taiwan to consolidate its full-scale democracy and revitalize its economy, and allow cross-strait relations to© 1997 by University develop in economic and cultural depth until we are able to witness that great day ofHawai'i Pressofunification when a greater China can play an even larger role in the world arena. Any irrational action on both sides will be deemed unwise and inauspi- 112 China Review International: Vol. 4, No. 1, Spring 1997 cious for the people ofmainland China, Taiwan, and even Hong Kong and Macau. Liu Bolong University ofMacau Liu Bolong is an assistantprofessor ofpolitical science specializing in the study of China's International Relations. Deborah Davis and Stevan Harrell, editors. Chinese Families in the PostMao Era. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1993. xiii, 370 pp. Hardcover $55.00, isbn 0-520-07797-0. Paperback $17.00, isbn 0-520-08222-2. This is a collection ofeleven papers that were originally presented at a conference on "Family Strategies in Post-Mao China," held at Rocho Harbor, Washington, 12-17 June 1990, and sponsored by the Joint Committee on Chinese Studies ofthe American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. The volume is divided into four parts: (1) Household Structure, (2) Marriage, (3) Child Bearing, and (4) Hardship and Dependencies. The opening introductory chapter written by the two coeditors is an excellent overview of the articles included in the volume. Davis and Harrell not only give readers a concise summary of the major findings in each article in the volume; they also discuss the difficulties in conducting field research in the People's Republic ofChina. The main question asked by the volume contributors is whether the contradictory initiatives during the post-Mao period had any consequence for Chinese families in the 1980s. A cluster ofissues are examined that include household composition, marriage arrangements, fertility...

Initially the Taiwan issue was no more than a simple internal matter created by and emanating from the Chinese Civil War. However, with the Korean War and the Cold War, this relatively small domestic matter turned into one of the world's greatest and most complicated issues. The two factors that arose of these events that created this complicated issue were the US getting involved and the undecided nature of Taiwan's legal status. For more than fifty years now, the US has become directly involved in Asian affairs beginning with its involvement in the Chinese Civil War. Currently the US still remains deeply entrenched in the Taiwan issue. Withdrawal from Taiwan is not a viable option and certainly would compromise security not only in the Asia Pacific but internationally. This article aims to explore the complicated relationship between US and Taiwan, as this concerns Taiwan's future and it's the only issue that could drag two superpowers into conflict.

The aim of this essay is to explore the political values in Taiwan sports policy system. It, first, explores differences regarding political values, and the nature of power struggles in sports policy between the KMT and DPP, and secondly, factors beyond Taiwan, are discussed, such as, what effect changes in global context have had on Taiwan? Concerning the status of Taiwan, the new development of two political parties with ideologies, which are contrasting in some significant ways, has implications for sports policy. The major divisions between the ideologies can be defined in relation to the Mainland China issue. The parties of KMT, the People First Party (PFP), and the New Party (NP) can be described as adopting a 'greater Chinese nationalist ideology. In contrast, the DPP and the Taiwan Independence Party (TAIP) are associated with a policy of 'separated development' and independence for Taiwan. Ideological differences associated with this issue have run deep since 1949. However, though its origins are in political reaction with the mainland, this ideological cleavage signals other policy implications in a wide range of what might at first sight seem unrelated policy areas. For these reasons, this essay present and provide regarding academic debates and political intention from Member of Parliament and theoretical concepts to provide a whole picture of the development of sport policy.

With the change of regime, the idea of consciousness on Taiwan under the ruling party's policy becomes such a taboo subject. Unlike the DDP government's promotion and contention, consciousness of Taiwan and discourse of localization/subjectivity have altered towards the decline of discussion at this stage. It shows that people have no choice to face political considerations and cannot to reach a consensus on the diverse discourses. Hence, this article re-examines an analysis of the prospects for the discourse of subjectivity on Taiwan. The article suggests that although each theory and each discourse makes a different argument about how it works to enhance Taiwan consciousness, they still have the same commensurability among them. Meantime, the purpose of the article is not judging the discourse but re-examining the value of Taiwan by exploring a discussion of the relevance of the status of Taiwan and its legal entity.

中共自建政至今，深刻體認到長年使用軍事戰略攻勢仍無法有效解決統一中華民國在台灣的根本原因，即是美國圍堵戰略上以絕對優勢的超強軍力介入所造成。並深知目前甚至可預見的將來，尚不具備足夠強大的常規軍力挑戰美國，以確保在台灣利益受到威脅時能穩操勝券。中共爲抗衡美國優勢地位的不對稱局勢，必須先期獲得有效行動自由的主動地位與嚇阻態勢，以影響美國決策軍力介入台海的「反介入戰略」思維發展，期能達成阻止美國部分或全部軍事行動的預期目標，同時達成自身在政治與軍事上的目標。 近10年來，中共有目的地擁有一批「撒手鐧」武器(二砲、戰略潛艦、空天一體的作戰結合)。其中新一代戰略潛艦(093、094)所具備靜肅匿蹤、高效機動、遠程潛行、獨立作戰、高存活率、潛射核武、遠距精準打擊、第二擊核報復等多重優勢，已成為中共當前軍事實力下最佳核武威懾的利器與現代化「跨躍」發展的主力之一。尤其在面對美國強勢軍力「嚇阻」威脅下，中共「反介入戰略」的核動力潛艦能力虛實，將是威脅西太平洋防線上島嶼基地、航母戰鬥群等各式武力，甚至美國國土的最主要來源之一。並扮演極為重要的「不對稱」角色與反制「嚇阻」、突穿「圍堵」的最有效利器。 而美國為因應未來「中國崛起」的海上強權勢力，以「先制」戰略部署態勢，更強化「第二島鏈」上「圍堵」防線的各項最先進打擊武力。包括以核動力潛艦強化嚇阻戰略的阻斷能力、確保戰略通路與行動自由、增駐部署關島等所採取的因應措施，以確立「嚇阻」理論下的「圍堵」戰略作為。 美、「中」以台灣為核心關鍵的「反介入戰略」，已成為中共與美國發生衝突時所運用的主要策略，除影響美國的軍事行動和降低其效果，並將持續牽動美、「中」、台三方未來發展的主流趨勢。本論文藉由描述與分析中共「反介入戰略」的發展，觀察中共核動力潛艦戰略能力、美軍針對中共核動力潛艦的相應措施，探究中共「反介入戰略」中核動力潛艦的戰略能力虛實及可能運用方式，已對美國造成有效的嚇阻與反制。

The transmission of indigenous languages was much hampered by the ”Mandarin Policy” that was implemented by the Chinese in 1945 when sovereignty of Taiwan was ceded from the Japanese Empire to the Republic of China. In 1956 the problem was further exacerbated when the ROC government stipulated a rule that made Mandarin the official public language. As a result of this ”single language” policy, the transmission of indigenous languages has been severely hindered.In order to preserve these precious indigenous languages, a language-learning program for Indigenous Taiwanese has been in place since the 1990's. Also an ”Indigenous Language Certification” was created, which over time has become an important index for the academic evaluation of indigenous students. However, even although small progress has been made, this language-learning program and certification system are at present still in need of improvement.In this article I will explore possible improvements to the Taiwanese indigenous language-learning program by looking at the example of Korean-Japanese ethnic schools in Japan. Through analysis of teaching materials, teachers and curricula, I will examine the way in which these schools deal with language education. Although there are many differences between Korean-Japanese and Indigenous Taiwanese as far as their historical, political, economical and cultural backgrounds are concerned, I think that the successful Korean-Japanese example of setting up ethnic schools from kindergarten to graduate school in order to safeguard the transmission of the Korean language is worth considering as a possible model for the reorganization of Indigenous Taiwanese educational policy.

The aim of this paper is to present and examine critically, perspectives regarding the impact of industrialization on Chinese marriage and family as presented by the mainland scholars and family workers at the Fourth National Conference on Chinese Marriage and Family in Market Economy, Guangzhou, People's Republic of China, 6–8 January 1994. The influence of Chinese culture and history on the interpretation of the impact of industrialization on marriage and family is discussed. Some analogies are drawn between the Chinese perspective on the impact of industrialization on marriage and the family and the perspectives developed in postindustrial Europe and North America.