Abstract

AbstractThis article emphasises the non‐economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right‐wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right‐wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right‐wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.

Highlights

  • IntroductionWithdrawal of national economies from world markets (Pryke, 2012)

  • The World Economic Crisis of 2007–2008 spurred an interest in “economic nationalism,” first as a potentially threatening and “rising spectre” (Economist, 2009), as a threat that failed to materialise and take the form of a Nations and Nationalism. 2021;27:206–222.withdrawal of national economies from world markets (Pryke, 2012)

  • Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism

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Summary

Introduction

Withdrawal of national economies from world markets (Pryke, 2012). Various explanations for this failure were proposed. They ranged from the rising complexity of world markets to the fact that economic nationalism itself is a complex phenomenon defying attempts to define it in terms of specific policies, as argued extensively in the literature (Helleiner, 2002; Pickel, 2003; Pryke, 2012; Shulman, 2000; Woll & Clift, 2013). Studies of economic nationalism seen in opposition to liberal market integration have been restricted to notions of “resource” nationalism (Vivoda, 2009)

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