The Resilience of Democracy

Abstract

COVID-19 has not only affected the daily lives of people around the world, but it has also further contributed to the retreat of democracy worldwide. While the decline in the democratic quality of states started more than a decade ago, this debilitating pandemic has accelerated the erosion of democratic norms and processes. In attempts to control the pandemic, governments around the world have stifled civil liberties, implemented illiberal policies, pounced on the political opposition, and even suspended elections. As a highly contagious virus, COVID-19 pushed political leaders to assume stronger emergency powers to counter its spread. With more power comes possible opportunities for its abuse. Strongmen or populist leaders have taken advantage of the pandemic to further increase censorship, enhance surveillance, and disrupt elections. These draconian measures have little regard for human rights and globally accepted democratic norms. Because of this health crisis, at least 80 countries are now experiencing a lower quality of democracy and respect for civil liberties and human rights.1 COVID-19 added more fuel to democracy's burning flames.2 Emergency measures led to the suspension of parliamentary debates as they were seen as a waste of time and resources. This closed the opportunity for opposition politicians to scrutinize policies in abetting the pandemic. In some countries, the right to assembly has been banned to enforce social distancing rules. Autocratic and populist governments have taken advantage of the general atmosphere of fear and alarm to harass dissidents and silence critics. Other acts that weakened the quality of democracy involve restricting the flow of information, harassing critical media, and accusing critics as purveyors of “fake news” or labeled as “enemies of the state”. This is quite stark among democracies old and new, for example, in my country, the Philippines. Despite this general trend, citizens and institutions in a handful of democracies are pushing back. COVID-19 did not prevent popular mobilization around the world. These diverse political protests comprised of demonstrations against the strict and constraining policies related to controlling the pandemic like in Germany and the United States. But in Thailand and Hong Kong, the protests are also about the autocratic governments and the clamor to restore democratic rule. Student activists and the youth are front and center in this particular episode of contentious collective action in these countries. In Asia, not even COVID-19 can prevent citizens in pushing for political rights and realize their aspirations for a more liberal and democratic society. This resilience for democracy is not only manifested in the streets, but equally important in the ballot box. Elections had to overcome the challenges of COVID-19 in countries like Taiwan, New Zealand, and the United States. Pending the formal announcement of the results of the U.S. presidential elections, it is projected that Donald Trump will lost his reelection bid. In the Asia-Pacific region, people have given new and clear electoral mandates to President Tsai Ing-wen of Taiwan and Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern of New Zealand. It is not a coincidence that these two female leaders have successfully curbed the COVID-19 pandemic in their respective countries due to their swift, innovative, evidence-based, and people-centered approach to containing the spread of the virus. These models clearly showed that there is another way to combat COVID-19 without sacrificing democratic norms and practices. In other words, democracy can only be saved from the pandemic with more democracy. In this issue of Asian Politics & Policy, we offer an array of excellent research articles and reviews on a host of topics ranging from populism, decentralization, democratization, maritime cooperation, welfare states, and voting behavior. A common thread running between these articles is the analysis and examination of democratic regimes and their public policies. As Asia and the world continue to battle the COVID-19 virus, it is my hope that democracy will not only survive, but it will also evolve in a way that it could thrive and offer new possibilities for popular participation, mobilization, and empowerment. Lastly, I hope APP readers will appreciate the new design of the journal. This is not just to improve the journal's look but will also improve efficiency in the production process.