The Republics and Regions of the Russian Federation: A Guide to Politics, Policies, and Leaders by Robert W. Orttung, Danielle N. Lussier, and Anna Paretskaya; and The Fiscal Structure of the Russian Federation: Financial Flows between the Center and the Regions by A. M. Lavrov and Alexei G. Makushkin (review)

Abstract

592 SEER, 79, 3, 200I the analysissuffersfromthe fact that the processof publishingmaterialis slow and recent developmentshave thereforebeen omitted. The last chapter, by Claudia Lohnig, discusses the evolution of output structuresin transition countries and make some comparisons with Greece, Portugal and Spain (again, Ireland is excluded, without clear explanation). The author argues that convergence in the structures of manufacturing towardsthe EU patternsmay be linked to an increasein intra-industrytrade. Despite the fact that the argumentis compelling, insufficientevidence is given to supportthisthesis. On the whole, thisbook may be usefulfor those interestedin readingabout macroeconomic aspectsof capitalinflows,tradeand exchange ratepolicies. It offerssome new insights as well as a very good overview of the main issues. However anybody interested in up-to-date research results should consult more focusedpapers. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies T. M. MICKIEWICZ University College London Orttung, Robert W., Lussier, Danielle N., Paretskaya, Anna (eds). The Republics andRegions oftheRussian Federation. A Guide toPolitics,Policies, and Leaders. EastWestInstituteand M. E. Sharpe,Armonk,NY, and London, 2000. xxvii + 679 pp. Maps. Tables.Appendices. Index. $225.00. Lavrov,A. M., and Makushkin,Alexei G. (eds),with a forewordbyAlexander G. Granberg. TheFiscalStructure of theRussianFederation. FinancialFlows Between theCenter andtheRegions. M. E. Sharpe, NY, and London, 2000. xxxvii + 233 pp. Tables. Figures. Maps. Glossary. Bibliography.Index. $125.00. BOTH of these works are essential for anyone trying to make sense of the dynamics of Russian regionalism. The book edited by Orttung and his colleaguesat the EastWestInstitutein New Yorkis an encyclopaedicreference guide to Russia's 89 regions, offering an overview of each region, some demographic, economic and electoral statistics,a description of the region's political institutions, some discussion of the main policy orientations of the regional leadership, an analysisof relations with Moscow and other regions, and, where relevant, foreign policy issues. In addition, the book provides usefulthumbnailsketchesof majorregional actors, including the biographies of major political and economic elites, and some evaluation of the overall business climate in the region. Entries are alphabetical, beginning with Adygeya and ending with Yaroslavl, with each concluding with contact information for the regional leadership and important regional world-wideweb sites. In his Introduction Orttung generalizes some of the data contained in individualregional entries. Followinga general discussionof Russia'sfederal structure, Orttung provides a brief prosopographic analysis of Russia's governors.Thus we learn that in 2000 the averageage of a governorwas 53.5 yearsold, and that at thattime therewas only one female governor(Valentina Bronevichof the KoryakAutonomous Okrug,who lost her seat in late 2000). REVIEWS 593 Just over half the governors had a background in economic management, with twenty-one (24 per cent) beginning their professional lives in the agricultural sector, while sixteen (i8 per cent) were industrialists,and six workedin the constructionindustry.Not surprisingly,the dominant ideology of the guvernatorial corps is that of supra-partytechnocratic governance. Such an approach is reinforced by the fact that the single largest cohort (twenty-two, or 25 per cent) emerged out of the top officialdom of the Communist Partyof the Soviet Union (CPSU), with two of them having been members of the party's Politiburo (Orel's Egor Stroev and North Ossetia's Aleksandr Dzasokhov). Overall, some 44 governors (49 per cent) had significant experience serving in the CPSU's ranks. Only one governor, Evgenii Mikhailov of Pskov, used another party (Vladimir Zhirinovskii's LiberalDemocratic Partyof Russia, LDPR) as his trampolineto power. The limitedutilityof partyaffiliationin Russia'sregionalpoliticswasdemonstrated by Mikhailov's subsequent repudiation of the LDPR, and more broadly by the chronic tensions between governors who are formally affiliatedwith the CPSU's successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), and the CPRF'sleadershipand rank-and-file. The key relationship stressed by Orttung is between the governor and Moscow. He suggests seven ways in which the Kremlin can influence regional politics, ranging from intervention in regional election campaigns to the signing of the 46 power-sharing treaties. In turn, governors exercise considerable authority in their own regions, often dominating the local economy, influencing regional and national elections, capturing federal agencies working in their region, and blocking the implementation of federal programmes. As time passed they became more adept at ensuring their own re-election, although in most cases this did not involve the direct...