Abstract
In spite of the many studies devoted to the palatal outcomes of the Latin clusters PL and FL in Old Spanish, some other clusters and sequences composed of labial consonants such as -PUL-, -BVL-, -BE,I-, -VE,I- and -MI- have received little attention. The aim of this paper is to analyze the phonetic aspects of the diachronic evolution of these clusters and sequences into their Old Spanish outcomes [ʎ], [ɟ] y [ɲtʃ]. To this end, experimental, dialectal and comparative data from Old Spanish as well as from other Romance languages will be used. This will lead to the conclusion that the sound changes in both [Clabial + l] and [Clabial + j] clusters were based on the same articulatory mechanisms: a strengthening of the segment following the labial consonant and the later deletion of the labial, if it was a stop, or its assimilation to the point of articulation of the palatal, if it was a nasal. The implications of these conclusions for the evolution of pl and fl clusters in Old Spanish, as well as for the methodology in historical phonetics, will be pointed out.
Highlights
The relationship between palatalisation and labial consonants in Castilian Spanish.– In spite of the many studies devoted to the palatal outcomes of the Latin clusters pl and fl in Old Spanish, some other clusters and sequences composed of labial consonants such as -pul, -bVl, -be,i, -Ve,i- and -mi- have received little attention
Grupos y secuencias con consonantes labiales en latín que han resultado en consonantes palatales en castellano (DCT; DCECH; DEEH-2; DLE; Lloyd, 1993; Penny, 2006)
Los caminos diacrónicos de la lateral palatal en la historia del castellano: evidencia cronológica, comparativa y dialectal para una nueva propuesta
Summary
La palatalización total (en oposición a la palatalización parcial) de consonantes labiales es interlingüísticamente poco frecuente en comparación a la de sus. No sólo la baja incidencia de -be,i-, -ve,i- > [ɟ] en castellano, sino también que varias de las palabras en las que ocurre este cambio ofrecen la doble solución [bj] y [ɟ] (gavia y Cayuela, (h)uviar y (h)uyar, rubio y royo) han sido cuestiones que no han recibido respuestas completamente satisfactorias dentro de los estudios de historia del español: para Menéndez Pidal (1941, §53) se trata de una competencia entre formas semicultas y formas populares perdida por estas últimas cuando hubo una reacción a favor de las primeras, cosa que también sucedió con los grupos [dj] y [ɡj] (medium > medio frente a meyo, repudium > repudio frente a repoyo); para Corominas Aunque [ts, dz] y [θ] no son consonantes palatales, la evolución que condujo de rumigāre a ronzar, según se ha argumentado, sí pasó por la palatal [ɟ] en sus primeras etapas
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