Abstract
In the late 1990s, Cote d’Ivoire was benefiting from an image of political stability and peace, based on its economic dynamism inherited from the perceptive political arbitration procedures put in place by its first president Houphouet-Boigny (Akindes 2000).1 Then it gradually became mired in political violence when, in 1990, it opened up to multipartism (Akindes 2007; Ouattara 2007; Vidal 2003). This disintegration of political order in the Cote d’Ivoire reached its paroxysm in September 2002 when an organized armed rebellion broke out in three separate movements.2 These movements were politically coordinated by a former leader of the most important student union in the country, the Federation estudiantine et scolaire de Cote d’Ivoire [Cote d’Ivoire students’ and pupils’ federation — FESCI hereafter]. The rebellion caused the country to split into two zones, one controlled by troops who maintained their loyalty to the president Laurent Gbagbo and the other controlled by the rebel forces.3
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